Saskatchewan premier Wall faces protests at dinner party he hosts

Hundreds of protesters from more than a dozen groups converged outside the Premier's Dinner location in Saskatoon where Saskatchewan Premier Brad Wall gave a keynote speech.

Hundreds of people rallied outside the Premier's Dinner venue in Saskatoon Thursday night, where Saskatchewan Premier Brad Wall gave a keynote address. The dinner was held at Prairieland Park, Hall A. The dinner was hosted by the ruling Saskatchewan Party led by Wall. Drivers on nearby Ruth St. found themselves surrounded by sign-waving protesters speaking through megaphones. Wall's popularity has dropped since he introduced a budget with many cuts.

Among the more controversial moves was to do away with the provincial bus service run by the provincially owned Saskatchewan Transportation Company (STC) as described in a recent Digital Journal article.

Cindy Harrison, a spokesperson for Stop the Cuts, a coalition of 12 organizations that organized the rally noted that cutting the STC would hurt rural people particularly: "We think the cuts are unfair and they were done without consultation and we're not willing to accept them. Saskatchewan has one of the highest rural populations in Canada. The cuts to STC will hit rural populations." She noted that while the protesters were feasting on hot dogs, those attending the dinner were paying $250 dollars a plate. Harris said that cash for access system was unfair when Wall was cutting services to the people of Saskatchewan. Federal Liberals have had similar events to raise funds.

Wall defended the right of the protesters to express their views:"We live in a kind of a society where people I think are not just free but encouraged to express what they believe. We know people are upset and obviously they're going to express that dissent as they did today and they should be welcomed and encouraged to do so. I knew before the budget was introduced that this was not going to be a popular budget and we made these difficult decisions because we strongly believe they're in the best interests of the province and the long-term interests of Saskatchewan."

A recent Mainstreet poll commissioned by Postmedia reveals the effects of the provincial budget, released last month, on Wall's popularity. In October Wall had a 52 percent approval rate but now only 46 percent approve of the job Wall is doing while 45 percent disapprove, with the remaining 9 percent undecided. The Mainstreet vice-president said that the poll numbers were mainly a result of the budget. Wall lost most approval in the two main cities Saskatoon and Regina whereas he did better in rural ridings. The budget itself was approved only by 26 percent with 45 percent disapproving. 51 percent disapproved of doing away with STC while only 18 percent approved. The poll was conducted March 30 and 31. 1,704 people were surveyed, using landlines and cellphones. A random sample of this size has a margin of error of +/- 2.37 per cent, 19 times out of 20.

Saskatchewan's 70-year old provincial bus service to shut down

Employees cried and passengers were angry when they learned last Wednesday that the provincial government of Brad Wall had decided to shut down the 70-year-old bus service.

The Saskatchewan Transportation Company is a provincial crown corporation:

The Saskatchewan Transportation Company (STC) is a Crown Corporation of the Government of Saskatchewan, created in 1946 by an Order in Council. It is a wholly owned subsidiary of Crown Investments Corporation of Saskatchewan, with a mandate to provide bus services carrying people and freight between major centres and to as much of the rural population as possible.Freight services will be terminated on May 19 and passenger services by May 31. The closure will see 224 people lose their jobs and hundreds of rural Saskatchewan communities without any bus service. The province of Manitoba to the east already faces that situation. There is no service on highway 16, the Yellowhead, that runs from Winnipeg to Saskatoon, through much of Western Manitoba. Our main bus service is Greyhound Lines with offices in Austin Texas and owned in Scotland by FirstGroup. Any service that is not profitable is discontinued. The idea that a bus service might be operated to serve all areas of the province is a non-starter. This was the case even under our former supposedly socialist New Democratic Party (NDP) government. We now have a Conservative government and the issue will not even be discussed. The Saskatchewan Party government of premier Brad Wall in Saskatchewan is also conservative. Now they too will enjoy Greyhound as their main bus service. There is no money to be made providing transportation to the small towns of Saskatchewan except on a few main highways so they will all be without service.

Norquay resident, Cara Severson, said: "I can't believe this. I don't know what I'm going to do, I won't be traveling any more. It's going to be quite a nightmare. You guys don't know what you're doing to small communities. Think about the little people." She hoped that Premier Wall could reconsider the decision. A Nigerian immigrant did not know how she would bring her daughter into Saskatoon for medical treatment. An elderly Saskatoon woman who took the bus to the Manitou Springs Resort and Mineral Spa near the small town of Watrous said she will simply not be able to go there anymore.

Tareq Sunny of Yorkton takes the bus every month on business and said: "It's shutting down forever? My life is shutting down." While the decision is estimated to save the province about 17 million a year it also ends over 200 jobs and deprives many, in rural Saskatchewan especially, of a valuable transportation service. Only two of STC's 27 different routes are profitable. No doubt carriers such as Greyhound will service these routes while the 25 other routes will simply be without service.

New Democratic Party critic Cathy Sproule said that the loss of STC would have a negative impact on seniors in rural areas and people who depended on the bus service for medical appointments and deliveries. Sproule said: "We have a minister who promised a year ago that they wouldn't be touching STC because of the valuable service it provides." A survey of customers in the STC's latest annual report showed that 93 percent of customers were satisfied and 95 percent of parcel customers.Jennifer Campeau who was minister in charge of STC in 2016 said: "By linking communities, people and businesses, STC serves the customer and the shareholder. STC provides citizens with access to essential services in larger and rural communities. Entrepreneurs across the province have access to shipping services that can supply parts or distribute products, expanding markets beyond their local community." Even though the passenger service is to continue until May many routes were cancelled just hours before the announcement of STC's termination was announced in the budget. Apparently the cancellations were made to allow management to meet with STC staff, a move that shows no concern about customers.

Saskatchewan Party wins third majority term by a wide margin

he Saskatchewan provincial election was another triumph for the Saskatchewan Party led by premier Brad Wall. The party won a third majority in a row.

The Saskatchewan Party won a whopping 51 of the 61 seats in the Saskatchewan legislature. Cam Broten, the leader of the opposition New Democratic Party, lost in his own constituency. The race in a Saskatoon constituency was close with the Saskatchewan Party candidate winning by only 232 votes. David Buckingham won with 49.2 percent of the vote while Broten had 46.3 percent.

The Saskatchewan Party captured just under 63 per cent of the vote and prevailed in 51 of the province's 61 constituencies. The NDP managed just half of that at over 30 per cent of the vote. It won 10 seats, just one more than the last election. However, there were only 59 seats then.

The results were not much different from the 2011 election that was disastrous for the NDP. The Saskatchewan Party won 64 percent of the vote while the NDP had 32 percent. Of the 61 seats only three seats changed parties. The NDP picked up Prince Albert Northcote, and Regina Douglas Park but lost the Sasaktoon seat of Saskatoon Westview, the NDP leader Cam Broten's constituency. Polls had all along indicated that the Saskatchewan Party would win and they were correct. The Saskatchewan Party win seemed inevitable.

The Saskatchewan Party did drop somewhat as the urban rural divide intensified marginally. The vote for the party dropped three points in Saskatoon and over 6 points in Regina. The party still won 56 percent of the vote in Saskatoon, and 49 percent in Regina, the capital. The NDP was not up that much, only one point in Saskatoon and two in Regina. The Liberal party was up 4 percent in Saskatoon and 5 percent in Regina, robbing the NDP of badly needed votes. The increased Liberal vote probably resulted in Broten losing his Saskatoon seat. The rural vote of the Saskatchewan Party increased from 71 to 72 percent with the NDP getting only 20 percent of the rural vote.

This election gave the NDP the lowest share of the popular vote they have ever had. This is the third election in a row that their share of the vote has declined, the first time this has happened since the party was formed. The results for the NDP is surprising given that Saskatchewan is now beginning to suffer from a decline in oil prices. Brad Wall will not need to worry about anyone challenging his leadership! However, Cam Broten is likely to see a challenge to his leadership unless he resigns soon.

Saskatchewan Party likely to win a majority in Saskatchewan election

Regina - When the Saskatchewan Legislature was dissolved on March 8, the Saskatchewan Party polled 53.5 percent of the vote, while the opposition New Democratic Party(NDP) had 34.5 percent.

The election began with the Saskatchewan Party led by Premier Brad Wall having a commanding lead over the NDP. Often during a campaign, a lead this large will shrink. This time the opposite is happening. As of April the 1st the poll averages were: Saskatchewan Party 59.9 percent; NDP, 30.7 percent. The Green Party and Liberals both have 4.3 percent of the vote. The margin between the Saskatchewan Party and the NDP has increased from 19 points to over 29. Unless the April 1st averages were an April Fool prank , the outlook for the NDP tomorrow does not seem rosy.

The seat projections as of April 1st are not encouraging. The average number of seats the Saskatchewan Party is predicted to get is 49 with the NDP only getting 12. No other party will win a seat. If these projections are anywhere near correct, the Saskatchewan Party is headed for a third majority government. In Saskatoon and the rural parts of the province the gap between the Saskatchewan Party is little changed: "The NDP trails by about 19 points in Saskatoon and 40 points outside of the urban centres. In 2011, that gap was 20 and 43 points, respectively." The NDP is shrinking the gap in Regina with the NDP at 42 percent and the Saskatchewan Party at 49. This is a 7 point drop for the Saskatchewan Party. The NDP could pick up 2 or 3 seats but this will not change the situation much province-wide. Pollsters have been wrong in the past however as in Alberta but the situation is rather different here with the incumbents leading in the first place.

The Regina Leader Post has an article that describes some of the problems in the NDP campaign:.. it lost four candidates in the first week because it didn’t vet their social media accounts; it lost its own campaign manager, ensuring an image of a campaign in shambles; it missed opportunities like capitalizing on the two homeless men bused by the government to B.C., and; it presented a platform that gave the Saskatchewan Party reason to raise legitimate concerns about its cost.Leader of the NDP, Cam Broten does not seem to have gained much support whereas Brad Wall has been a popular premier. However, the NDP only won 9 seats in the last election so he may better that. Perhaps by next election the deteriorating economic conditions in Saskatchewan will give the NDP a better chance of winning.

Global News lists some of the main promises of the two parties. The Saskatchewan Party has six new platform promises that total only $105 million over 4 years. The costliest is $70 million on highway repairs. The Saskatchewan Party would also sell off 40 of the 75 government-owned liquor stores. The most expensive NDP promise is $106 million over 4 years for health-care workers. This would include 400 new workers for care homes. The NDP would hire 300 more educational assistants and an equal number of teachers. The NDP would sell off two government airplanes and convert a third to an air ambulance.

Wall Sask. Party government manages to raise wait times!

This is from this site.
Saskatchewan is the birthplace of medicare under the CCF. Now under the Sask. Party it is the home of the highest wait times in the country. Of course one cannot always believe the Fraser Institute but surely Premier Wall should since it is a right wing think tank.

Wait Times Up in Saskatchewan



Wednesday, 08 October 2008

The median wait time for Canadians seeking surgical or other therapeutic treatment dropped to 17.3 weeks in 2008 from 18.3 weeks in 2007.
That's according to new research published by The Fraser Institute.
However, the waiting game in Saskatchewan went up and is, in fact, the highest in the country at 28 point 8 weeks.
Ontario had the shortest wait time at just over 13 weeks.
The measurement is the wait between visiting a GP and receiving treatment.
And the numbers don't get any better, for Saskatchewan, if you look at the wait between seeing a GP and then a specialist, where it takes more than 12 weeks, up from 10 in 2007.
Throughout Canada, the total number of procedures for which people are waiting in 2008 is almost 7 hundred and 51 thousand.

Premier Wall (Saskatchewan) intends to sue Canadian Press.

This seems a bit odd. Wall was in the same video. Wall will be fortunate if he is not sued for defamation by Roy Romanow. Or perhaps some Ukrainian-Canadian agency could sue Wall for his mimicking a Ukrainian accent in deriding Romanow. Romanow with his head up his ass has more sense than Wall. Surely, politicians can expect a rough time from the press. Wall can expect even a rougher time than most now. It is doubtful that the Canadian Press will take him seriously.

Monday » April 7 » 2008

Wall informs news agency of intent to sue

TheStarPhoenix.com



Monday, April 07, 2008


SASKATOON - Premier Brad Wall has sent The Canadian Press a letter claiming he intends to sue the news agency for defamation due to a headline last week linking him with anti-gay comments made by Tory MP Tom Lukiwski.

Ian Hanna, a spokesperson for the premier, said Sunday that Wall plans to make a public statement on the issue today.

Last Thursday, the provincial NDP released recently discovered video footage of staffers in a Progressive Conservative office during the 1991 election campaign.

Regina MP Tom Lukiwski, then a political organizer, is shown holding a beer bottle and referring to homosexuals as "faggots with dirt on their fingernails that transmit diseases."

In a separate clip, Wall, a 26-year-old campaign staffer, puts on a Ukrainian accent and says then-NDP leader Roy Romanow "has his head up his ass."

Both Lukiwski and Wall quickly apologized for their comments on the video.

Wall also said Lukiwski's remarks were unacceptable and he would distance himself from Lukiswki if he still held those views.

Lukiwski, a married father of two grown sons, apologized to his gay and lesbian friends and colleagues, the wider gay and lesbian community, his family, Prime Minister Stephen Harper, his staff, his Regina and area riding and the rest of the province last week.

"I deeply regret and I have deep remorse for my words of 17 years ago, but I can assure you . . . that I will spend the rest of my career and my life trying to make up for those shameless comments," said Lukiwski, who was previously employed as the general manager for the Saskatchewan Party.

© The StarPhoenix 2008








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Wall scores big with electorate...

This is from the Star Phoenix(Saskatoon) According to the article the wolf in sheep's clothing has failed to come out as yet. However, the article itself shows the wolf has already lied and is in fact attacking labor with legislation the party denied it would present. The Party has also purged the ideologically impure from boards.
Wall scores big with electorate...for now..

Tuesday » March 18 » 2008

Wall scores big with electorate

Randy Burton
The StarPhoenix


Tuesday, March 18, 2008


Former premier Lorne Calvert recently gave the Saskatchewan Party a failing grade for its first three months in office.

It said one thing before the election and did another afterwards, which warrants a failing grade of F, Calvert said. In particular, he pointed to the Sask. Party's performance on the labour file.

Indeed, there can be no arguing with the fact that Wall said before the election essential services legislation for organized labour would not be necessary and then brought in a bill anyway. Nor is there much disagreement the government is going about labour reform in a ham-handed fashion. It hasn't been pretty to watch.

Yet Wall's problems with unionized workers appear not to have hurt him in the public eye. To the contrary, on the eve of the government's first budget there is a view that the Saskatchewan Party is on the right track.

An internal poll conducted for the government recently shows the government is still enjoying a honeymoon with voters.

Provincewide, the Saskatchewan Party now has the support of 54 per cent of the public, which is three percentage points more than it won in the Nov. 7 election. Meanwhile, the NDP's support has fallen off by four points to 33 per cent.

Perhaps more significantly for the governing party is voter preferences in the two major cities. In Saskatoon, the Sask Party now has the support of 49 per cent of decided voters, up six points from the election. The NDP in Saskatoon is down three points to 39 per cent.

In Regina, the Sask. Party has made even larger gains. The Angus Reid poll shows 46 per cent of Regina voters now favour the Sask. Party, a nine-point improvement over the election results. Meanwhile, the NDP's Regina support has dropped by seven points to 40 per cent.

The leaderless Liberals are down everywhere, polling at only eight per cent provincewide.

The poll, (a portion of which was obtained by The StarPhoenix) was conducted Feb. 25-28 with a sample of 1,194 people, and carries a statistical margin of error of 2.8 per cent.

So what does this say about the Saskatchewan Party, other than they haven't had the opportunity to alienate too many people yet?

One conclusion that can be drawn is this: So far, people like what they see of Premier Brad Wall. He is more popular than his party and outpolls his rival on competence ratings by a factor of two or three to one.

What Wall appears to have done is eliminate the fear factor the NDP has long tried to construct around the Saskatchewan Party. Those who keep track of such things will recall the NDP's last gasp of the campaign when it dropped flyers throughout the province featuring the disembodied heads of Grant Devine and Brad Wall bobbling over a field.

The caption read "Cuts, privatization, corruption. Do we really want to risk it all again?"

Apparently we do.

So far, at least, Wall has not announced the privatization of health care, has not sold off any Crown corporations and has not slashed the minimum wage. In short, the "wolf in sheep's clothing" has yet to come out of the weeds.

The consensus would now seem to be Saskatchewan is moving towards a level of prosperity it has never truly experienced before.

In many ways, this is not so much different from where we were six months ago except for one crucial difference. Right or wrong, there was a perception then the province was doing well in spite of the NDP. Its preoccupation with political survival seemed to trump whatever economic good news came along. By contrast, the Sask. Party appears to be benefiting politically from an improved economy.

While nothing of substance has changed since the election, the mood of the province has shifted perceptibly. There is an air of new possibility about Saskatchewan that the new government is benefiting from. This has manifested itself in ways both big and small.

For example, the February auction for gas and oil exploration rights smashed all previous records, bringing in $197 million. This has more to do with $100 oil than it does with Brad Wall, but he is basking in the reflected glow of the resource boom.

On the health-care front, the government has been able to score a big win with the recruitment of 300 nurses from the Philippines.

On a more personal level, you will soon to be able to brew your own wine and beer in supply stores.

This is something that has been available to residents of B.C. and other jurisdictions for years but for some unknown reason, the NDP would not allow it here.

Like the nursing recruitment strategy, the question you have to ask yourself is why nobody in government thought of it before now.

© The StarPhoenix (Saskatoon) 2008








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CanWest Interactive, a division of CanWest MediaWorks Publications, Inc.. All rights reserved.

Brad Wall says he won't raise royalties

This is from the CBC. Hardly any surprise here. What is a bit ludicrous is the NDP complaint. During the election campaign the NDP resolved not to raise royalties; also, the NDP was the last party to cut the royalties to make Saskatchewan competitive. Sounds a bit like the Sask. Party to me. If the NDP wants to get back in power it had better clean the barn of the right wing manure they have collected.


Wall says he won't raise royalties
Last Updated: Friday, January 18, 2008 | 5:12 PM CT
CBC News
Saskatchewan Premier Brad Wall says his government will be reviewing oil royalty rates, but not with a view to raising them like Alberta did.

"The government will be clear that the only changes that we will be interested in will be those that make us more competitive, not less competitive," Wall said earlier in the week. "We don't see them going up, is the short answer to the question."

Wall is on his way to Calgary to tout Saskatchewan as a place where oil companies should want to do business.

The Alberta government recently decided to increase total royalties from oil and gas by $1.4 billion — or 20 per cent above projected revenue — in 2010. That followed an advisory report that said skyrocketing oil prices were handing huge windfall profits to the industry while the Alberta citizens who owned the resources were getting shortchanged.

Alberta's oil companies have expressed fury over the changes, with some threatening to cut back on investment in response.

Saskatchewan's NDP government cut royalties six years ago, adding some more cuts a few years later, in order to stay competitive with Alberta.



NDP Leader Lorne Calvert said what Wall is proposing now doesn't make a lot of sense.

"How can you ask credible citizens to do a review, but say … 'If it is your conclusion that there needs to be some adjustment upward in certain areas, it's not on?'"

Meanwhile, University of Regina economist Gary Tompkins said Wall shouldn't rule out raising oil royalty rates, at least on existing wells.

Tompkins said it isn't necessarily fair to the people of Saskatchewan to rule out all royalty hikes.

"If you take the view that the oil ultimately belongs to the people of Saskatchewan, what we want to do is get people to come in, take it out of the ground and then give it to us," Tompkins said.

"We pay them for their work, but we don't want to give them any extra."

If existing wells were profitable when oil was $40 a barrel, they are more than profitable now with oil hovering near $100 a barrel, he said.
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Calvert: New premier already making excuses.

This is standard right-wing rhetoric. Social program cuts will be justified by citing financial constraints. To save programs in the future they need to be cut now. Of course there will be no truck nor trade with raising taxes to pay for programs. Actually, Saskatchewan should be well off with the price of gas and oil even with its low royalties. Wall is coy in that he won't say what program involves dicey financing.

New premier already making excuses, Calvert says
Last Updated: Thursday, November 22, 2007 | 5:56 PM CT
CBC News
Suggestions from the Saskatchewan Party that the NDP left government finances in a mess have been vigorously denied by former premier Lorne Calvert.

Calvert said Thursday he couldn't believe the words coming out of Brad Wall's mouth Wedneday night, shortly after he was sworn in as Saskatchewan's 14th premier.

Calvert said he left a $2-billion surplus for Wall's government and if that's not enough, then the Saskatchewan Party can't manage its money.

"This has to be a world record," Calvert said.

"Ten minutes after the new premier is sworn in, he's out there now trying to find excuses for not keeping the promises they made. Trying right away to find excuses for what inevitably is going to result in cuts for Saskatchewan people. I've never seen it happen so fast."

On Wednesday, Wall told reporters he's had his first look at the province's books and didn't like what he saw.


"What the previous government has left behind, financially, is fairly stark," he said.

Wall said the problem isn't now, it's coming in future years unless the new government looks at its spending and makes some changes.

"The challenge is that some long-term program spending that the NDP have made commitments to are being funded by some one-time revenue or at least revenue that if you were budgeting prudently and carefully, you might not assume for future years."

Wall wouldn't say what program spending he's talking about or what exactly he intends to do about it.

People will have to wait until next week when the government releases its mid-year financial update, he said.

Enterprise Saskatchewan: Key to Wall's vision

It is not clear that the government will not still be setting economic priorities but it will be doing it indirectly through choosing board members that it trusts to implement the sorts of policies that it approves. If the board were to be chosen by the groups that are to be represented it would have more independence and could set policy that was less in line with the government desires but that is not too likely to happen. The Chambers of Commerce could elect their representative or representatives and the Sask Federation of Labour could also probably arrange some sort of election as could First Nations. Municipalities could do the same. I expect though that the representatives appointed will be appointed because the government sees them as adopting the sort of policies that the government desires. It is clear for example that there is no one going to recommend a new crown corporation that would compete with the big natural gas and oil companies. One good thing is that Enterprise Saskatchewan does involve co-operatives.

Monday » November 12 » 2007

Enterprise Sask. key to Wall's vision

Bruce Johnstone
The Leader-Post


Saturday, November 10, 2007


Enterprise Saskatchewan, Premier-elect Brad Wall's vision of how to manage the province's economic development, could be the biggest achievement of his administration. Or it could be his biggest flop.

It all depends on who Wall chooses to sit on Enterprise Saskatchewan's board of directors and, more importantly, how narrowly or broadly he defines its mandate.

For non-policy wonks, Enterprise Saskatchewan was first proposed by Wall after becoming leader of the Saskatchewan Party in 2004.

As the former business development officer for the City of Swift Current, Wall has given a lot of thought about how the province can best manage its economic development function. And Wall believes government should not be setting the economic agenda as it has for the past 60 years.

In a paper called "The Promise of Saskatchewan: A New Vision for Saskatchewan's Economy," Wall wrote "governments of three different political stripes have allowed public sector solutions to eclipse the potential of private investment, innovation and entrepreneurship as sustainable economic development options for growth.''

Instead, he said, "the private, co-operative and non-government sectors must be the engines for economic growth, if it is to be sustainable, meaningful and avoid past failures.''

Enterprise Saskatchewan will operate as an "economic development partnership between government (provincial, local, First Nations), and the private, co-operative and non-government sectors,'' he said.

Wall described Enterprise Saskatchewan as "bold and innovative'' because "for the first time in Saskatchewan, government will cede significant control over the formation and implementation of economic development strategies to a broad partnership of economic stakeholders, with the full support of the premier and executive council (cabinet)."

One of the goals of Enterprise Saskatchewan would be to "identify and remove barriers to growth,'' including "non-tax barriers,'' such as "direct competition to business from various government agencies and Crowns.''

Naturally, this was seized upon by the NDP as a tacit admission that Wall will use Enterprise Saskatchewan to "privatize Saskatchewan'' by removing Crowns that are competing with the private sector.

This, despite the fact that the Saskatchewan Party's own policy manual says that a Saskatchewan Party government will "retain public ownership of our major Crown corporations.''

But Wall faces other challenges in implementing his economic development vision.

Even if Wall doesn't appoint "friends of the Saskatchewan Party'' to the board, as the NDP claims, a board made up of representatives of business, labour, municipalities, First Nations, and post-secondary education institutions will be, of necessity, a diverse group with competing, often conflicting interests.

While it may function well as an advisory group or sounding board for government policy, it will likely not function well as a decision-making body. And it will decidedly not function effectively as the manager of economic development policy.

What makes Tourism Saskatchewan and the Saskatchewan Trade and Export Partnership (STEP) effective as public-private partnerships is the industry focus of those organizations, specifically their boards of directors.

Most of the directors of STEP and Tourism Saskatchewan are drawn from companies in the exporting and tourism sectors. They, not politicians or bureaucrats, know best how to invest scarce resources in their respective sectors.

Having said that, the notion of any government "ceding significant control'' over the formation and implementation of economic development strategies raises some fundamental questions.

After all, whose money is it anyway? It's the taxpayers' and the government, as the elected representative of the people, is steward of those tax dollars.

Taxpayers have the right to be represented on the boards of directors of any agency that spends tax dollars. And having a director, preferably the chair, with a seat at the cabinet table is the best insurance that tax dollars are being invested in the public's interest.

- Bruce Johnstone is the Leader-Post's financial editor.

© The Leader-Post (Regina) 2007








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New party, business as usual in Saskatchewan.

Here we go. The business media are already egging on Wall to get going on the work that Devine had started and to some extent Calvert and Romanow carried on. Open up whatever public enterprise is left so that there truly is no alternative. Lets catch up and surpass the US: privatise prisons, privatise health care, contract out everything and start up Blackwater North to be headquartered in Calgary with MA studies in private security at the U of Calgary.
Imagine, Wall is too left wing for the Financial Post apparently! Wall would cut off his left wing except it might not fly in Saskatchewan. Wall remembers Devine.
Anyone who calls Saskatchewan a socialist province has rocks in their head. In fact even the Fraser Institute admits that Saskatchewan has the third most favorable investment climate in Canada. The Calvert government kissed capitalist ass constantly as the royalty regime in Sask. shows. Maybe Silcoff can get appointed to Enterprise Saskatchewan.


Monday » November 12 » 2007

New party, business as usual in Saskatchewan
Voters turf NDP, but new party seems like old

Sean Silcoff
Financial Post


Friday, November 09, 2007



CREDIT: Dean Bicknell, CanWest News Service
Brad Wall's efforts to bring a different focus to Saskatchewan policy won him the election.

Elections are often won and lost on the economy. In Saskatchewan, they tend to do things a bit differently. This is a place where the natural governing party is socialist and daylight savings time isn't observed. And where one of Canada's hottest economies couldn't save the government from defeat.

On Wednesday, voters pitched out the NDP in favour of the 10-year-old Saskatchewan Party, led by the young, upbeat and charismatic Brad Wall. After 16 years of NDP rule, the voters chose change, giving Mr. Wall's party 52% of the vote and 37 of 58 seats. What kind of change? When it comes to the economy, not much.

Saskatchewan is blessed with natural resources and home to three successful multi-nationals (Potash, Cameco and Saskatchewan Wheat Pool). The public finances are solid and right-wing think-tank Fraser Institute this year deemed it to have the third-best investing climate among provinces. Recent changes left Saskatchewan with one of the most favourable corporate tax regimes in the country. For the first time in decades, people are moving to, not from, Saskatchewan on a net basis.

Saskatchewan is now a "have" province, enjoying a prolonged commodity boom. Could its economy use any help? Actually, yes. Unfortunately, what it needs most, the SaskParty promised not to deliver: wide-scale privatization.

Saskatchewan is Canada's most Crown corporation-infested province. The state owns the phone company, the power company, a natural gas distributor, auto insurer and a slew of others. The main victim is the economy. Compared with the private sector, Crowns over-employ, underinvest and have smaller asset bases. The gas distributor SaskEnergy spent $85,000 per worker on capital expenditures from 2002 to 2006, according to the Fraser -- 27% less than Terasen Gas and 61% less than Enbridge Gas. Similar comparisons haunt SaskTel.

Statistics Canada data show the long-term effects on the economy: Total net business investment per worker from 1976 to 2005 was $18,095, barely half the national average and last among provinces.

Sadly, nobody was open to a debate about privatization this election, even though two of Canada's most successful privatizations -- Potash and Cameco -- happened there. Instead, "privatization" was thrown around like a cussword by Premier Lorne Calvert in an attempt to accuse the Sask-Party as having a hidden agenda (if only). That worked in 2003, when then-leader Elwin Hermanson suggested he'd be open to offers for the province's Crown jewels. This time, Mr. Wall repeatedly said he was against privatization, and upbraided an MLA for musing it might be a good idea.

Instead, Mr. Wall proposed modest tax cuts and a suspicious-sounding public-private partnership to oversee economic development. He promised one pro-business change to the labour code, but Saskatchewan would still be one of North America's most union-friendly places.

Radical change wasn't on the agenda this election. That's too bad.

Saskatchewan likes to say it's part of the "New West" and Mr. Wall campaigned on a promise of "building pride." The province should build more than that: it could be one of Canada's power centres, particularly now that Alberta has raised royalty rates (Saskatchewan is also blessed with energy reserves).

With a booming economy at his back, Mr. Wall should spend some political capital and dare to aim high--even if it means breaking a campaign promise or two.

ssilcoff@nationalpost.com

© National Post 2007








Copyright © 2007 CanWest Interactive, a division of CanWest MediaWorks Publications, Inc.. All rights reserved.

Wall: Next Sask. election on Nov. 7, 2011

It seems my election prediction may be off by one seat but it may be a while before the final results are in.
Although fixed election dates seem to be a reasonable action, it seems that Wall is bound to move quickly on more questionable policies such as his Enterprise Saskatchewan group. This group could steer the Saskatchewan economy in a very right wing direction. It remains to be seen if NDP fears were warranted.


New Sask. premier sets fixed election dates

James Wood
CanWest News Service


Thursday, November 08, 2007


REGINA -- Fresh from a major victory in the provincial election, Saskatchewan premier-designate Brad Wall is making plans already for the next one.

To keep a long-standing party promise of fixed election dates, the Saskatchewan Party leader announced Thursday morning that the next election will be held on Nov. 7, 2011, exactly four years after Wednesday's provincial vote that saw the NDP swept from power after 16 years.

"My goal is to have this legislation, and some other legislative items, ready for discussion in a December session of the Saskatchewan legislature," said Mr. Wall, looking relaxed and confident as he spoke to reporters in the Opposition caucus room.

Other key items the new government expects to move on early include new balanced-budget legislation and establishing Enterprise Saskatchewan, a new public-private partnership of stakeholder groups that will oversee economic development in the province.

"We are in the process of identifying now which ones we can move on quickly, immediately and which ones may need legislative support," he said.

Wall met with outgoing NDP Premier Lorne Calvert on Thursday morning and said Nov. 21 has tentatively been set as the swearing-in date for the new Saskatchewan Party majority government.

Just how many Saskatchewan Party MLAs will be sworn in is still uncertain, however. Mr. Wall said that the deputy returning officer in Meadow Lake had advised the party that one poll count had been reversed -- that former Conservative MP Jeremy Harrison, running for the Saskatchewan Party, now had a 17-vote lead over veteran NDP cabinet minister Maynard Sonntag.

Absentee ballots still need to be counted and nothing is official.

If Mr. Harrison's lead holds, the Saskatchewan Party will hold 38 seats in the legislature to the NDP's 20.

In a wide-ranging news conference, Mr. Wall said the Saskatchewan Party still wants the same equalization deal as other provinces when it comes to natural resources, which would mean more federal dollars for Saskatchewan.

But he said he could not comment on whether his government will continue the constitutional challenge over equalization filed by Mr. Calvert's government against the federal Conservative government until he sees the legal opinions.

"I believe there is an imperative for the federal government to be investing in the priorities of Saskatchewan," he said.

Mr. Wall did say that a Saskatchewan Party government will drop the province's financial support for agricultural groups that have challenged the federal government's push to scrap the Canadian Wheat Board's monopoly on barley sales.

jwood@sp.canwest.com
Saskatoon StarPhoenix

Saskatchewan election: Two articles from Prince Albert

Wall sounds quite upbeat like a used car salesman urging people to "trade up". If they trade up though they will may end up paying for a new model clunker. Maybe they will trade again next election.
It will be interesting to see what Wall does about the mill agreement.
These artcles are from the Prince Albert Herald.Voters asking for change, says Wall


THERESA SERAPHIM
The Prince Albert Daily Herald




Saskatchewan voters are looking for a change, according to Saskatchewan Party Leader Brad Wall.

At a Monday rally, Wall compared the NDP to a vehicle that's not running well, prompting the owner to say, "I think it's time to trade up."

The same holds true for the current government, he said.

"There's a tired, old NDP."

Wall said there are possibilities in the area of health care.

"We see Prince Albert as the health centre it can be, as the health centre it must be."

The universal drug program that NDP leader Lorne Calvert wants to bring in is unsustainable, said Wall, adding it's "a plan that is the wrong prescription for health care in Saskatchewan."

The pulp mill situation is also an important issue, he said.

"We need leadership in Regina committed to ensuring there's a real solution for the mill," Wall told a room full of applauding supporters.

He came to Prince Albert because "this centre is very important, politically and economically," in the areas of energy, mining, forestry and agriculture, he said.

"We want to make sure we get a message out (that) the Saskatchewan Party has a dynamic role to play."

Wall said the approach taken by the NDP emphasizes scaring voters, but hope trumps that.

For example, he said to laughter from the audience, "every time you buy a ticket to a Saskatchewan Roughriders game, there is hope and there is fear. And you buy them anyway, because hope beats fear."

tseraphim@paherald.sk.ca

Much at risk in election, says Calvert

New Democratic Party Leader Lorne Calvert said he stopped in Prince Albert on Monday to "remind people about what's at risk" in Wednesday's election.

During a meet and greet at an NDP campaign office, Calvert said several issues are paramount, including tuition, a universal drug plan, property tax relief, and the future of the memorandum of understanding signed Sept. 12 with regard to the mill.

"Mr. Wall has made it clear he will not participate," said Calvert, adding "without this memorandum, there will be no mill."

Calvert said the Prince Albert ridings are "very important" for several reasons.

"We've had such strong leadership from Prince Albert over the years (and) Prince Albert does sit at the very hub of tremendous potential," especially in the forestry sector, he said.

Calvert said the city is also "so representative of the whole province of Saskatchewan (with) a beautiful and wonderful mix of First Nations and Métis people (which) represents much of what is very good about Saskatchewan."

Calvert stressed the importance of all eligible voters getting out to cast their ballot.

"It is such a precious franchise that we have," he said.

Actor/singer Tom Jackson, who attended the meet and greet, echoed that sentiment.

"We have a voice. We have to exercise that voice," he said, adding those who don't think their vote matters should remember change happens one person at a time.

Also, he said, "you're only two phone calls away from the prime minister or the premier."

tseraphim@paherald.sk.ca

Brad Wall

THis is a useful thumbnail sketch of Wall and his progress within the Sask. Party. It will be interesting to see if Wall goes back to the Devine privatisation scheme that shed many crown corporations to eager capitalists who now no doubt will be happy to see the NDP go. However, the NDP has done nothing to reverse the Devine actions. In fact the NDP recently sold its half interest in an oil upgrader. The NDP is little different from the Sask. Party on tax cuts including to corporations and also is reactionary on oil royaltie and says zilch about government ownership in the oil area. The NDP under Calvert as under Romanow turned sharply right and shows no sign of changing. Notice that Calvert has said boo about the Wheat Board all through this campaign. He has just written off the rural constituencies a rather ironic situation for the successor to the CCF!

Brad Wall
Swift Current [ Saskatchewan Party ]
Kevin O'Connor | CBC Online News | Updated Oct. 10, 2007

After many hours on the practice field and some pre-season action, football fan and Saskatchewan Party Leader Brad Wall is finally getting his chance to go for the big trophy — forming a government.

His playbook on the campaign trail will no doubt contain a number of lessons from the last two general elections; 1999 and 2003 were both cliffhangers where the Saskatchewan Party under former leader Elwin Hermanson had strong showings, but failed to topple the governing NDP.

Soon after the 2003 loss, Hermanson announced he'd be stepping down as leader. Wall ran unopposed for the leadership and took over the reins of the party a year later.

Before politics
Born in Swift Current in 1965, the University of Saskatchewan graduate's resumé includes a number of activities outside the legislature. He was once Swift Current's director of business development, and managed the Canadian Country Music Hall of Fame museum. He also started a tourism-related business.

Still, Wall, 41, who has three children with his wife Tami, has been involved in politics for much of his adult life. He began as an assistant to Progressive Conservative cabinet ministers Graham Taylor and John Gerich during the Grant Devine years, a connection the NDP would later repeatedly try to use against him.

His first attempt at running for office was for the PCs in Swift Current, in the 1991 election that would return the NDP to power. Wall lost that race, but had better luck running as a Saskatchewan Party candidate in 1999, defeating the NDP's John Wall (no relation).

Winning 25 seats in that election was considered by some observers as an extraordinary accomplishment for a party that had been created less than three years earlier following the merger of four Liberal MLAs and four Progressive Conservative MLAs.

In 1999, the Saskatchewan Party wasn't able to oust NDP Premier Roy Romanow from his office (despite being in a minority government position, the NDP forged a coalition with the Liberals and clung to power), but it did win the contest for the popular vote.

Coming close in 2003
That wasn't repeated in 2003 election, with the New Democrats getting more votes than the Saskatchewan Party as well as its two-seat majority. Many saw Hermanson's musings on the campaign trail about selling Crown corporations as a turning point in the 2003 campaign.

Wall has since declared that a Saskatchewan Party government wouldn't touch the Crowns.

Nevertheless, the issue of privatizing provincially owned enterprises has remained an exceedingly sensitive one for the party. When one of his MLAs, Dan D'Autremont, recently talked about winding down burglar alarm company SecurTek, an arm of SaskTel, because it competed with the private sector, Wall was quick to say that wasn't the policy at all.

Wall hasn't seen any challenges to his leadership, although one of his MLAs — Weyburn-Big Muddy's Brenda Bakken Lackey — stepped down, saying little about why except to suggest she was having trouble bringing her constituents' concerns forward.

With Wall at the helm, the Saskatchewan Party has stepped up attacks on how the NDP is managing health care. During question period, the Opposition has focused on waiting lists for cancer treatment. It has also focused on jobs and the economy, repeatedly blaming the long-term exodus of young people from Saskatchewan on NDP policies.

It has asked dozens of questions on the case of Murdoch Carriere, the fired provincial government manager who was convicted of assaulting two of his own employees and who received a $275,000 settlement. It has also raised a 15-year-old case of a former NDP caucus employee who inflated her own pay cheques, allegedly helping herself to thousands of dollars of public funds she wasn't entitled to. In the fallout from that debate, the police became involved, a senior NDP staffer resigned and a cabinet minister, Glenn Hagel, stepped down.

A move toward the centre
A number of academics and media observers have noted Wall's Saskatchewan Party was originally right of centre on the political spectrum, but has moved toward the centre in recent years.

Wall, however, has resisted such characterizations, calling the Saskatchewan Party a mainstream party.

The right-left distinction has been further blurred as some policies that were once the domain of the Saskatchewan Party, such as calls for major cuts to personal and corporate taxes, have been embraced by the NDP since 2003.

The Saskatchewan Party, meanwhile, has changed direction on the controversial TILMA interprovincial trade deal. A year ago, Wall was urging the NDP government to show more enthusiasm for the agreement that Alberta and B.C. had already signed. Later, Wall said his party had decided TILMA, which allows a freer flow of jobs and commerce across interprovincial lines, was a bad idea after all because it might hurt the Crowns.

In social policy, there has been moderation in Saskatchewan Party policies, too. The Saskatchewan Party once supported sending young offenders to "boot camp," a proposal that didn't catch fire with the public and has been quietly dropped.

The NDP says Wall's voter-friendly policies are a recent development and in TV commercials has literally portrayed the Saskatchewan Party as a wolf in sheep's clothing.

Football in hand
Wall's response has been to try to reassure voters that they're not "scary" and to accuse the NDP of being fearmongers.

That was the theme of a recent TV commercial showing a casually dressed Wall with a football in his hand at his son's football practice.

Will a new quarterback make the difference for the Saskatchewan Party in 2007? Saskatchewan is about to find out.

Wall admits trying pot!

At least no one attacked Wall for coming clean. What we need in the Saskatchewan election is a poll that could give up to date data for making predictions. I am surprised that no polls have been forthcoming so fra. Calvert looks dour enough to be against the legalisation of pot.

Saskatchewan politician admits he smoked pot
James Wood , CanWest News Service
Published: Friday, October 26, 2007
SASKATOON -- In Saskatchewan provincial circles, it's a story that's generating a lot of buzz. So to speak.

The province's party leaders, campaigning in a provincial election, were forced to reveal their past use or non-use of marijuana Thursday, after Saskatchewan Party leader Brad Wall told a reporter he had, in fact, inhaled.

Asked about the Saskatchewan Marijuana Party's call for legalization of the weed, Wall said his party opposed the notion. Asked whether he'd ever smoked the stuff himself, Wall paused, then confessed.


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Font:****"I'm going to have to now phone my mom and make sure I tell her how I had answered that question before you go to air," he joked.

Wall said his use of marijuana was "infrequent" when he attended university and "it didn't really do anything for me, luckily, because for some, it does lead to other things."

Wall ended up being the token toker among the three leaders of the main parties.

NDP Leader Lorne Calvert said he never used marijuana -- although he acknowledged he might have incidentally inhaled during his early-1970s university days.

"To be fair, when I was first a student at the University of Saskatchewan, I think a fair number of my colleagues did and indeed, wandering the hallways, I suppose, just secondhand . . . but not on a personal basis," he said to laughter from NDP supporters.

Liberal Leader David Karwacki also said he had not used marijuana.

Calvert said he did not think past marijuana use by a political leader was an issue at all, a point agreed to by University of Regina political scientist Ken Rasmussen.

Politicians today can be more honest about their past experience with marijuana and not suffer as a consequence, said Rasmussen, who said the issue is still a little overblown today.

"But (Brad Wall) probably did the smart thing in admitting it, because there's probably some people (who were) there, smoking with him," he said.

"He looks groovy and youthful now. He'll get the young vote."

Wall said he opposed the legalization of marijuana because he believes it does serve as a gateway to harder drugs, and there's no adequate test for drivers impaired by marijuana use.

Calvert doesn't favour legalization or decriminalization either, but added it's a matter for the federal government.

Karwacki said he does not favour legalization, but said pot should be decriminalized to keep young people from going to jail for possession.

Saskatoon StarPhoenix




© CanWest News Service 2007

Here is a very detailed analysis of Brad Wall's flip-flop on TILMA. A lot of effort must have gone into this article by Joe Kuchta. I will post his blog address later.

TILMA: Pre-election flip-flop destroys Saskatchewan Party Leader Brad Wall’s credibility



“Saskatchewan Party Calls On NDP To Join In Western Trade Pact”
– Saskatchewan Party News Release Headline, May 1, 2006

“The province of Saskatchewan should be there as a part of this accord.”
– Saskatchewan Party Leader Brad Wall, Saskatchewan Legislature, May 18, 2006

“I have no idea what’s scary about what B.C. and Alberta are doing...there is opportunity for us in our view and nothing to be worried about.”
–Saskatchewan Party Leader Brad Wall, Regina Leader-Post, June 7, 2006

“[Saskatchewan Party Economic Development Critic Lyle] Stewart said a Saskatchewan Party government would seek a similar agreement with other western provinces.”
– Saskatchewan Party News Release, August 4, 2006

“[T]here’s no way that [The NDP] will sign on to the TILMA agreement before the next election. It’s going to take a new government…to do bold things like sign on to the TILMA agreement and get this province rolling.”
– Saskatchewan Party MLA Elwin Hermanson, Saskatchewan Legislature, March 26, 2007

After a year of repeatedly saying that it supported the BC-Alberta Trade, Investment and Labour Mobility Agreement (TILMA), and would sign it if elected, the Saskatchewan Party has now officially come out against the trade deal – sort of.

In a pre-election damage control move to extricate itself from the growing criticism and controversy surrounding TILMA, Saskatchewan Party Leader Brad Wall, under the cover of a long-weekend news release and a recent report by an all-party legislative committee examining the trade deal, flip-flopped his party’s position by saying it would not sign the agreement “in its present form.”

The careful wording would seem to allow Wall the leeway to consider signing TILMA in a different form should one emerge at a later date.

In the June 28, 2007, news release Wall blamed the Saskatchewan NDP government for his party’s about face saying it was because the province “did not take part in the original TILMA negotiations with BC and Alberta” and “had no part in negotiating its terms.”

This ignores the fact that it was British Columbia that first approached Alberta with a proposal to negotiate a comprehensive bi-lateral agreement on trade, investment and labour mobility. On October 8, 2003, the Governments of British Columbia and Alberta signed a joint Protocol of Co-operation, identifying the goal of expanding trade, investment and labour mobility between the two provinces. On May 26, 2004, the two governments signed an Internal Trade Framework Agreement confirmed as the basis for consultations and negotiation of a comprehensive bilateral agreement to enhance trade, investment and labour mobility between the two provinces. None of these documents appears to suggest that other provinces or territories would or should be involved.

It also ignores the fact that the negotiations between BC and Alberta were conducted behind closed-doors and that no consultation with municipalities, the public or legislative debate took place prior to the agreement’s signing on April 28, 2006.

Forgotten is the Saskatchewan Party’s May 1, 2006, news release calling on the NDP government to join the agreement and Wall’s condemnation of Premier Lorne Calvert in the legislature on May 1 & 2 for not being at the table with BC and Alberta during their closed-door meetings and for not immediately signing the trade deal – without proper consultation or study.

In the legislature on May 18, 2006, Wall again berated Premier Calvert and said the province of Saskatchewan should be part of the accord.

On August 4, 2006, then-Saskatchewan Party Economic Development Critic Lyle Stewart said a Saskatchewan Party government would seek a similar agreement with other western provinces.

During his many tirades Wall raised no concerns with TILMA “in its present form”.

The news release and Wall’s comments appear to be politically motivated and nothing more than a pathetic attempt to divert attention away from his party’s support for a reckless, destructive and increasingly divisive trade agreement.

If the Saskatchewan Party is capable of this kind of deception and hypocrisy as the official opposition what do the people of Saskatchewan have to look forward to should it be asked to form the next government?

“The Saskatchewan Party strongly supports the reduction of inter-provincial trade barriers as a means to grow Saskatchewan’s economy and create new jobs,” Wall said in the news release.

Unfortunately, the news release does not provide a list of genuine trade barriers between provinces that Wall thinks should be removed.

Furthermore, on April 3, 2007, an Edmonton Journal editorial said there is “little in the way of genuine trade barriers remaining between the two westernmost provinces” and Saskatchewan Party Leader Brad Wall said in a news release that Saskatchewan is “the lowest cost jurisdiction…with fewer trade barriers and restrictions than either B.C. or Alberta.” Wall seems to have forgotten that he made these comments.

In the June 28 news release Wall said the Opposition’s own research and the TILMA hearings raised specific concerns about three areas which are not clearly addressed in the current TILMA agreement:

1. The protection of Crown Corporations;
2. The exemption of provincial new growth tax incentives; and
3. The potential loss of new growth tax incentives at the municipal level.

Curiously, despite his party’s own research, Wall never brought these concerns forward last year when he was hysterically calling on Premier Calvert to sign the agreement. And yet in the legislature on May 2, 2006, Wall had the gall to suggest that NDP Government Relations Minister Harry Van Mulligen had not done his homework on the TILMA file.

This seems to be a case of the pot calling the kettle black. During a speech at the 2006 Saskatoon Leader’s Dinner on March 2, 2006, at TCU Place, Wall proudly proclaimed that when it comes to his party “We are doing our homework.”

Then there is Wall’s March 19, 2007, letter to the City of Saskatoon outlining the three criteria that would have to be met in order for his party to sign TILMA:

1. That it not negatively impact on the public ownership of the major Crowns
2. That it not negatively impact environmental standards
3. That it not negatively impact the well-being of workers.

The exemption of provincial new growth tax incentives and the potential loss of new growth tax incentives at the municipal level mentioned in the June 28 news release are absent from the list – and yet the Saskatchewan Party claims it does its homework.

Not only would TILMA adversely affect municipalities it puts at risk important policies and programs that are in the public interest to maintain.

TILMA’s list of exceptions include measures relating to Aboriginal peoples; water; regulated rates established for the public good or the public interest; social policy, including labour standards and codes, minimum wages, employment insurance, social assistance benefits and worker’s compensation; compensation to persons for losses resulting from calamities such as diseases or disasters; assistance for book and magazine publishers, sound recordings, and film development, production and distribution; assistance for recreation, academic research or to non-profit organizations; the management and disposal of hazardous and waste materials; and the management or conservation of forests, fish and wildlife.

A measure includes any legislation, regulation, standard, directive, requirement, guideline, program, policy, administrative practice or other procedure.

Article 17 of the agreement requires a ministerial committee to “review annually the exceptions listed...with a view to reducing their scope.”

The exceptions in TILMA will shrink over time and are by no means safe. The Conference Board of Canada’s impact assessment for the BC Government confirms this stating “TILMA is considered to be an improvement… since future negotiations can focus on the removal of the exceptions from the explicit exclusion list.”

Furthermore, an October 2006 TILMA fact sheet states that “if a measure is not clearly identified as an exception, it is subject to the rules of the agreement.”

Since health and education measures are not clearly identified as exceptions, it would seem they, too, could be at significant risk.

Wall has refused to say whether a Saskatchewan Party government would ensure that these important measures are permanently exempt from any trade agreement it might consider signing. His silence on the issue and the fact that they aren’t included in the June 28 news release or Wall’s March 19 letter to the City of Saskatoon seems to indicate that his party has little or no intention of protecting these areas.

Wall stated in the June 28 news release that he was also concerned about the lack of formal input from Saskatchewan cities.

“Our Enterprise Saskatchewan plan for the economy involves direct input from stakeholders including the municipal sector,” Wall said. “How could we enter into a major trade and investment agreement without their formal input and assessment?

Where was Wall a year ago when similar concerns, along with many others which he refuses to recognize, began coming forward from various organizations and individuals? Why is it only now in the eleventh hour that he is willing to acknowledge their validity?

Enterprise Saskatchewan was announced on September 21, 2004, as part of Saskatchewan Party Leader Brad Wall’s “new economic vision” for the province outlined in the document The Promise of Saskatchewan: A New Vision for Saskatchewan’s Economy. While it predates TILMA by nineteen months it offers some insight into what Wall believes are barriers plaguing Saskatchewan.

In an address that day to more than 200 students at the University of Saskatchewan’s College of Commerce Wall said Saskatchewan must shed its dependence on public sector intervention and begin to build a larger private sector as the primary economic driver.

“The goal of our Enterprise Saskatchewan plan is to create an aggressive, agile and entrepreneurial economy within a stable and positive business environment that removes the politics from economic development and can survive Saskatchewan’s volatile election cycle.”

Wall said Enterprise Saskatchewan will focus on Saskatchewan’s key economic sectors and implement a broad plan consisting of, but not limited to fifteen elements, one of which “will develop a systematic and ongoing process to identify and remove barriers to growth in each of our key economic sectors.”

Apparently the number of barriers in Saskatchewan is substantial. According to Wall, “Saskatchewan Party MLAs have spent a great deal of time meeting with various industry groups and economic development organizations to identify barriers to growth in key economic sectors. We understand the many and varied barriers that exist.”

The word barrier occurs 40 times in the plan. While no attempt is made to provide a separate, comprehensive list, Wall does refer to the following as barriers:

– Direct competition to business from various government agencies
– Crowns attempting to diversify from core functions; policies of the Crowns themselves
– Inadequate access to bandwidth
– Lack of high-speed internet access in parts of the province
– Corporate income taxes
– The resource surcharge
– Shortage of skilled labour
– Poor infrastructure (i.e. high quality roads)
– Red tape
– Government permitting
– The PST
– Financial institutions taxed at a higher rate than manufacturing firms
– High fuel taxes

One barrier that Wall mentions a few times is the corporate capital tax which he calls “insidious” and “penalizes private sector investment” yet in the next breath says that it is an area “the government of Saskatchewan may not be in a position to offer meaningful reductions” and “will be too costly to be eliminated or significantly reduced immediately.” So it would appear that even though Enterprise Saskatchewan promises to identify and remove barriers it might not apply in this case. It makes one wonder how many others would meet a similar fate should the Saskatchewan Party form government.

It is unclear whether an agreement like TILMA is the appropriate vehicle for addressing Wall’s barriers. He does not appear to be citing them when commenting on the trade agreement. To date Wall has not produced a list of genuine trade barriers between provinces and has described Saskatchewan as being “the lowest cost jurisdiction…with fewer trade barriers and restrictions than either B.C. or Alberta.” Yet, it seems through constant rhetoric that he and his party continue to create an atmosphere of crisis suggesting barriers exist in such great numbers that it is threatening the province’s very existence.

It is interesting to note that the word investment appears 80 times in Wall’s economic vision while social occurs just 3 times. Page 26 appears to provide a glimpse of where social issues are situated on Wall’s list of priorities:

“In 1996, a KPMG study on location cost analysis highlighted the need for Saskatchewan to become competitive on taxes and stability. Investors were worried about the stability of the business environment and the potential for radical changes in operating conditions. Indeed, the study recommended more partnerships between stakeholders through a provincial economic development authority. The study also pointed out that investment decisions are driven by financial factors, not quality-of-life considerations. It recommends Saskatchewan emphasize its attraction in business terms, not social ones, when marketing itself to outside investors.

“Let us not lose sight of the basics. Saskatchewan must be competitive in terms of taxes, regulation, the availability of venture capital, and innovation.

“An enterprising, entrepreneurial Saskatchewan economy will be impatient, relentless, aggressive, self-promoting and even brash. Profit within that economy will be lauded instead of envied.”
In Wall’s world it would seem that investor rights and interests trump social and quality-of-life considerations.

In his party’s June 28 news release leader Brad Wall said “We know that Alberta and BC officials have indicated that having Saskatchewan sign on without any revisiting of the agreement would not make sense for those two provinces either.”

This is not new information. The BC Government – who initiated TILMA – publicly stated its position on the matter last year.

In a speech to the BC Business Council and Canada West Foundation on December 13, 2006, BC Premier Gordon Campbell had this to say about TILMA:

“So we’ve said to Saskatchewan we’d like to tell you how the agreement’s working; we want to show you how the dispute resolution works; we want to show you the penalties; we want to show you what we’re doing. We’d love you to join us, but these are the rules.

“I talked with Premier McGuinty in Ontario about Ontario joining British Columbia and Alberta. I said to Premier McGuinty: “You’re the biggest province in the country, Dalton. You guys are important to all of us. By the way, we’re not changing the agreement, but you’re welcome to join.””
In Provinces unite to tackle skill shortages (Vancouver Sun, Dec. 14, 2006) Premier Campbell said Saskatchewan and Ontario are welcome to join TILMA “provided they don’t try to tinker with the deal.”

Given Brad Wall’s apparent fondness for BC and Alberta style governance and the claim that his party does its homework it seems reasonable to think that he knew about this long ago. So why is he only bringing it up now and using it as an excuse for not signing the agreement?

Wall’s affinity for Alberta and its conservative government is well known.

During a speech to the North Saskatoon Business Association on December 8, 2005, at the Delta Bessborough Hotel, Wall said:

“I have spoken to many of those seeking to replace Mr. Klein in Alberta, and to Mr. Klein himself and they welcome the day when Saskatchewan will join Alberta and B.C. at the table to earnestly work together in areas of public policy including energy policy and the reduction of inter-provincial trade barriers.

“They are waiting. I have already told them that a Brad Wall government will be at that table.”
In his March 2, 2006, Saskatoon Leader’s Dinner Speech, Wall said that then-Alberta Premier Ralph Klein invited him to attend his annual Global Business Forum in Banff in September 2005.

“The Premier of Alberta informed me of high level meetings between his province and BC to look at ways of reducing inter-provincial barriers to growth and trade,” Wall said.

Wall went on to say “I am announcing tonight that I have tasked Sask. Party Cutknife-Turtleford MLA Michael Chisholm to focus exclusively on the opportunities of western economic cooperation so that we may send a clear but unpretentious message to other western capitals that a new government in Saskatchewan means a leading partner for them in the emerging New West and a strong new voice for Saskatchewan at the Council of the Federation of this country.”

In a March 3, 2006, Saskatchewan Party news release Wall followed up on the Chisholm announcement stating:

“We want to send a clear message to other western capitals that a new government in Saskatchewan will mean a leading partner for them in this emerging new west,” Wall said.

“Inter-provincial trade barriers, regulations and barriers to growth will be the focus of this Saskatchewan Party initiative.”
In Deal interests Sask. premier (Regina Leader-Post, June 7, 2006), it was reported that Saskatchewan Party Leader Brad Wall met with then-Alberta Premier Ralph Klein in Calgary on June 5, 2006, “where the main topic of discussion” was TILMA.

“I have no idea what’s scary about what B.C. and Alberta are doing…there is opportunity for us in our view and nothing to be worried about,” Wall was quoted as saying.

In the Saskatchewan Legislature on April 2, 2007, on the subject of TILMA, Wall said:

“We met with officials in Alberta and BC — both elected and the senior civil servants — who were part of negotiating that agreement. We asked questions about how would this impact our Crowns, which is very important to the province. How would it impact the autonomy of municipalities? We were doing our homework.”
It seems the Saskatchewan Party might have been privy to some of TILMA’s details prior to its signing and also that the governments of BC and Alberta were not interested in changing the agreement for other provinces, but the party chose to say little about it until its June 28, 2007, news release. Why?

Lastly, Wall said in the June 28 news release that he prefers other modes of western economic cooperation including Saskatchewan’s involvement in the Pacific North West Economic Region (PNWER) and he has already indicated that a Saskatchewan Party government would hold joint cabinet meetings with other western provinces to explore opportunities to cooperate in areas such as health care equipment and pharmaceutical purchases.

Wall neglected to mention that it was through closed-door joint cabinet meetings that led to TILMA in the first place. It seems Wall is eager to drag Saskatchewan down that road as well.

As for its support of PNWER the Saskatchewan Party appears to be in lock step with Conservative Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s trade agenda.

In a speech delivered at the 2007 Saskatoon Saskatchewan Party Leader’s Dinner on March 8, 2007, at TCU Place, Wall said, “Then there is PNWER (the Pacific Northwest Economic Region). Another regional dynamic group of northwestern states together with Alberta and BC who are cooperating to build the Asia Pacific Gateway…I have asked our critic for Western Economic Cooperation Mike Chisholm to focus on this opportunity.”

A few weeks later Prime Minister Harper had this to say at a May 4, 2007, press conference in Vancouver: “It’s hard to overstate the importance of Asia-Pacific trade to Canada’s economic future. The Gateway Initiative is obviously critical to realizing our potential as a country.”

“Our Government has now committed over $1 billion to this Initiative…And in the longer term, we intend to develop an Atlantic Gateway on the East Coast.”

The press conference also gave Harper the opportunity to showcase his support for TILMA: “This is a bold step that has been undertaken by two forward-looking provinces committed to successfully competing in global markets, and I believe their success will set an example other provinces will find hard to resist.”

Wall’s agenda appears to go well beyond TILMA and could include joining PNWER who are studying the BC-Alberta trade agreement as well.

On July 18, 2006, PNWER’s Trade & Economic Development Work Group resolved to “embrace the opportunity to educate and explore the possibility of expanding the B.C.-Alberta Trade, Investment and Labour Mobility Agreement (TILMA) concept throughout the PNWER region.”

The 17th PNWER Annual Summit is scheduled for July 22-26, 2007, in Anchorage, Alaska. The Trade & Economic Development portion of the agenda is set for the morning of July 24, 2007, where an update on the 2006 Working Group Action Items regarding TILMA will be discussed. Mr. Shawn Robbins, Director of Internal Trade for Alberta International and Intergovernmental Relations is confirmed to attend.

The controversy and debate surrounding TILMA may be far from over.

The Saskatchewan Party and its leader Brad Wall’s support for the agreement last year was unequivocal. One might wish to keep in mind the old adage that “a leopard cannot change its spots.”


posted by Joe Kuchta @ 4:45 AM 0 comments