Showing posts with label Haroon Siddiqui. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Haroon Siddiqui. Show all posts

Tuesday, May 11, 2010

Afghan mission has become incoherent.

The U.S. is now trying to make things appear more coherent by covering up all the cracks and disagreements in Obama's meeting with Karzai. The Marjah offensive has left US marines in control because there are not enough Afghans willing or able to take over. They probably realize that trying to rule the area will make them targets for assassination. Let the NATO troops die not them.
Even the Kandahar offensive seems in doubt and it is not clear exactly how it is supposed to take place. If there is house to house fighting that would be a disaster. The locals have made it clear they do not want an offensive. These are the locals that NATO is there to protect. It is all an expensive farce paid for by US and allies taxpayer dollars and lives. Even Harper seems to have changed his tune and no longer wants further commitment at least to a military role. This is from the Toronto Star.


Siddiqui: Afghan mission has become incoherent




By Haroon Siddiqui
Editorial Page
You may disagree with Stephen Harper’s warfare with Parliament to keep Afghan detainee documents secret. But there’s some logic to it.

The papers may implicate our army, diplomats and/or allies. Or blow holes in the Conservative defence that it did not preside over any actions in violation of the Geneva Conventions, which make it a war crime to knowingly hand detainees over for torture.

You may also disagree with Harper’s refusal to hold a parliamentary debate on what Canada should do in Afghanistan after our July 2011 deadline for military withdrawal. But there’s logic to that as well.

Harper does not want MPs reminding Canadians that he has changed his Afghan policy. After famously posing for the cameras in a military vest in 2006 and pledging that Canada would never cut and run, that’s precisely what he plans to do next year. He wants Canada to undertake only civilian and humanitarian duties. He won’t countenance any role for the military except training Afghan troops and police, even though said training cannot be done without leading the trainees into combat. He just does not want to go into an election this year or next with Afghanistan as a campaign issue, especially with his own caucus divided on it.

That makes perfect sense from his partisan perspective.

However, there’s little logic left in Canada’s military mission in Afghanistan. That’s because the NATO mission itself has become incoherent.

Initially it went awry under George W. Bush. But Barack Obama was not going to become the first president to admit defeat in war, so he opted for the contradictory goals of a military surge and a military withdrawal.

“We must win in Afghanistan.” Yet “America has no interest in fighting an endless war.” But how do you win by telling the enemy to just wait you out?

You settle for a limited goal: “We must deny Al Qaeda safe haven. We must reverse the Taliban’s momentum and deny it the ability to overthrow the government in Kabul.”

Your aim is not to win but rather not to lose.

Even that becomes problematic when your declared goal is to prevent the collapse of a government you are publicly quarrelling with because it is corrupt, inefficient and in cahoots with military and drug warlords. Hamid Karzai is also disliked by a majority of Afghans for those very reasons.

Left with no credible partner in Kabul, you court others at the provincial and local levels. You go native, hold mini-loya jirgas and throw cash around. You look foolish.

Meanwhile, despite pledges to avoid civilian deaths, the carnage continues, and also the lying that often accompanies such incidents:

U.S. military admits role in killings of women (an April 5 headline). Two men and three women, two of them pregnant, are killed in night raids. It is said the women were already dead when the soldiers arrived, “tied up, gagged and killed” by relatives. The Times of London says the soldiers had dug bullets out of the bodies and washed the wounds with alcohol before lying to superiors. NATO recants.

Civilians killed as U.S. troops hit Afghan bus (April 13). Five are killed and 18 wounded.

NATO apologizes for killing unarmed Afghans in car (April 22). Four are shot dead, including a boy. It is said that two were “known insurgents.” NATO later recants.

Afghan death sparks protests (April 30). A prominent civilian is killed in a night raid in which troops blindfold 15 people, including women and children, and send in sniffer dogs. Outraged residents say: “They disgraced our pride and our religion by letting their dogs sniff the holy Quran, our food and the kitchen.” Hundreds protest, chanting, “Death to America,” “Long live Islam.” (A perfect example of how people get “radicalized” and “Islamized.”)


We are in Afghanistan to save Afghans from the Taliban but the Afghans are now as afraid or more afraid of NATO bombs and convoys and checkpoints as they are of Taliban attacks.

That’s why an overwhelming majority want an end to the war through negotiations with the insurgents. Hence Karzai’s $160 million package to buy the “good Taliban.” Hence, in theory, the American onslaught on Kandahar, not so much to vanquish them but to force them to the negotiating table. But Obama and Karzai come across as playing on different teams.

Meanwhile, the Taliban are going from strength to strength, even according to a Pentagon report. They are assassinating officials who cooperate with NATO, which is not able to protect them or international civilian workers. The United Nations announces a pullout of its 200 staff.

As for NATO members, they all vouch for the American mission but refuse to supply any more troops. Even Canada, which has done more than its share of the fighting, lets it be known on the eve of the Kandahar offensive that it will “strive to avoid large-scale fighting with the Taliban this summer,” according to a Canadian Press report.

This is a mission operating on a wing and a prayer.

hsiddiqui@thestar.ca

Friday, February 13, 2009

Siddiqui: Missing out on Obama's Afghan Plan.

This is from the Star.
Actually Canada is not missing out. We are there and participating in the military and other aspects of the mission. Harper for his part has left room for a non-military involvement in Afghanistan after 2011.
The Afghans are right when they think that reforms in Afghanistan to conform with western value sounds like imperialism and colonialism. That is exactly what it is. As long as the govt. remains a western puppet client state even the progressive non-military help that Siddiqui speaks of will still be part of that project. Harper may very well divert more money to such purposes should Obama request it.

Missing out on Obama's Afghan plan TheStar.com - Opinion - Missing out on Obama's Afghan plan
February 12, 2009 Haroon Siddiqui
A fundamental shift is underway in American policy on Afghanistan. And Canada should be scrambling to be part of the process.
If we don't, Barack Obama will be handing us, and all the NATO members in the Afghan mission, a fait accompli in about two months.
We saw what he did Monday at his first presidential press conference. He greased the skids under Hamid Karzai. And he committed the U.S. to a broad military, diplomatic and development strategy in a "regional approach," with Pakistan as "a stalwart ally."
That was only a hint of what's happening behind the scenes in Washington and publicly in Asia, where Obama's special envoy Richard Holbrooke is on the road.
The Harper government seems clued out. There was a touch of naïveté when Admiral Mike Mullen, chair of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, came calling Tuesday. Ottawa's reaction was: Whoopee! He didn't ask for our military commitment beyond February 2011.
In fact, the U.S. has not only given up on the allies contributing more troops, it has decided to fight the Taliban with an overwhelmingly American force rather than co-ordinate the NATO forces.
The Obama administration has acknowledged what Bush and Harper didn't: Afghanistan is "a mess" (Joe Biden); "a narco-state" (Hillary Clinton); "our greatest military challenge" (Robert Gates); "much tougher" than Iraq (Holbrooke).
Obama is refocusing the mission. Gates: "Our primary goal is to prevent Afghanistan from being used as a base for terrorists and extremists to attack the U.S. and allies."
So it's back to the future – to redo what was already done in 2001.
After toppling the Taliban and denying Al Qaeda the sponsorship of a state, the Afghan mission defaulted into a white man's burden: establishing democracy, liberating women, educating little girls, dragging Afghans into modernity, etc.
As valuable as each endeavour is, the narrative sounded to most Afghan ears as the rationale of European imperialists and colonialists.
Obama has three separate reviews/initiatives underway:
Mullen and Gen. David Petraeus will replicate the Iraq military surge. Working with relatively uncorrupted tribal leaders, they will try to minimize civilian casualties and promote local reconciliation and good government.
Bruce Riedel of the Brookings Institution and Holbrooke will think through all the non-military, economic and diplomatic options.
Holbrooke has been on the road in Pakistan and will be in Afghanistan and, yes, India. He has been warned that killing civilians in U.S. missile attacks in the border areas of Pakistan is no way to battle the Taliban/Al Qaeda.
A $10 billion economic package, designed by Biden for the tribal areas, is to be extended to all of Pakistan to win over public opinion and support its new, still-teetering civilian government. There will be monitoring so that aid does not end up with the military, as it did with the $10 billion given by George Bush to Gen. Pervez Musharraf.
"Pakistan needs tough love," says Shuja Nawaz of the South Asia Center at the Atlantic Council of the United States, in Washington, and author of Crossed Swords, a study of the Pakistan army's repeated imposition of military rule.
Obama's multi-pronged approach needs much non-military help, which he will be calling for in the days ahead. This should be music to Canadian ears. We should be offering help to strengthen the Afghan civil service, judiciary, election commission, community policing, human rights, etc., and to undertake development work in Pakistan. What we have from Ottawa instead is silence.
hsiddiq@thestar.ca


Thursday, October 23, 2008

Disturbing complicity on torture

This article shows how Iacobucci was careful not to make a finding of legal liability for his paymasters. The road to hell being paved with good intentions has nothing to do with the case. The intention of the operatives was to help out the war against terror no doubt partnering with the US. The intention was to use adventitious rendition or rendition lite as a means. The officials took advantage of the accidental fact that the men were in Syria to pass on information to the Syrians that got them arrested and tortured. Those are not good intentions but violations of the very rights that Iacobucci is supposed to be so worried about. But not only were there no good intentions, the operatives were incompetent. They labelled the three terrorists without good evidence even taking as evidence in one case intelligence from another agency that did not even relate to the person who was then labelled a terrorist. None of this of course is any grounds for finding anyone to be held to account or punished. We have no idea who these people even are so unlike the Arar inquiry we will not know when they have been promoted. This is from the Star.

Disturbing complicity on torture

Haroon Siddiqui

Oct 23, 2008 04:30 AM
The headlines didn't match the stories on the report of the Frank Iacobucci inquiry into the alleged torture of three Arab Canadians abroad.
The former judge of the Supreme Court of Canada concluded that Canadian officials and institutions were complicit in the detention of at least two of them and perhaps of the third as well.
They were certainly complicit in the torture of all three.
He said Canadian diplomats failed to provide proper consular services to two of them, failed to detect torture and failed to inform Ottawa of allegations of torture.
Yet the main message of the media coverage is that Canadian officials only "likely contributed to" or "indirectly" contributed to the unlawful arrest, arbitrary detention and torture of the three men.
Iacobucci said so only for reasons of legal specificity, as explained on page 336 of his 544-page report.
He had no co-operation from Syria, Egypt or the U.S. so he does not know what role they played.
He also refused to "apply a `but for' test," meaning the men would not have suffered but for the actions of Canadian officials.
"Doing so would bring me dangerously close to making an explicit finding of legal liability" against officials and institutions – something that was "not the purpose or jurisdiction of this inquiry."
At least not in the narrow way he interpreted his terms of reference, say such intervenors as the International Civil Liberties Monitoring Group (headed by Warren Allmand, a former justice minister) and Amnesty International.
Iacobucci, a distinguished jurist, has been a strong defender of civil rights, even in tackling terrorism.
He repeats that belief in his report, saying a democracy must "ensure that in protecting the security of our country, we respect the human rights and freedoms that so many have fought to achieve."
Also: "No Canadian officials should consider themselves exempt" from the responsibility of upholding human rights.
But, as far as the officials in the three cases are concerned, there's no individual culpability, only institutional deficiency. Iacobucci says there is no evidence that the officials acted maliciously.
Of course not. The road to hell is paved with good intentions.
No sooner had the Iacobucci report been released than Stockwell Day dismissed the repeated torture episodes as nothing more than instances of "good people acting with deficient procedures." The heads of the RCMP, Canadian Security Intelligence Service and Foreign Affairs had already assured him that "those deficiencies have been addressed." Case closed.
Except that it isn't. That's not the thrust of what Iacobucci says.
His report is, in some ways, more damning than that of Dennis O'Connor on the Maher Arar tragedy.
Consider first the similarities in the case of Arar and the cases of the three other Muslim Canadians.
Syria had no reason of its own that we know of to detain any of them. All four were held in the same prison; tortured by the same team; asked questions that could only have originated in Canada; and forced to sign confessions they were not allowed to read.
All were released. None was found to have any connection with terrorism, just as they have always maintained.
Now look at the cases of the three.
In one, CSIS sent questions directly to Syria, as opposed to those questions landing in Damascus via the U.S. The Syrians took that as "a green light to continue their interrogation and detention, rather than a red light to stop," Iacobucci said.
In one case, Ottawa asked Egypt not to release the detainee (who had been sent there from Syria). Canadian diplomats used their consular visits to urge him to co-operate with the RCMP and CSIS.
All this complicity was pretty direct, says Kerry Pither, author of the recently released Dark Days: The Story of Four Canadians Tortured in the Name of Fighting Terror. It is a compelling – and, as it turns out, accurate – account of the horrors they endured.
(The Ottawa author is donating proceeds to such agencies as Amnesty International.)
The way forward is clear:
An apology and compensation to all three, along the same lines as extended to Arar; the establishment of a civilian oversight agency over all security agencies, as called for by Justice O'Connor but ignored by the Stephen Harper government; and a wide public discussion of Iacobucci's disturbing findings.
Haroon Siddiqui writes Thursday and Sunday. hsiddiq@thestar.ca