Showing posts with label Frank Iacobucci. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Frank Iacobucci. Show all posts

Sunday, May 2, 2010

Cracks in Opposition approach to Afghan detainee issue.

The difference hinges on whether Frank Iacobucci should be used to help resolve the problem. Iacobucci has already been hired by the Conservatives to advise them on what could be released uncensored. Why Ignatieff would also accept him is a bit hard to comprehend since Iacobucci in accepting the Conservative job which in effect implies that his vetting the documents is appropriate compared to MP's doing so. Neither the NDP nor the Bloc Quebecois go along with relying on Iacobucci. Perhaps next week the parties will come to a resolution. It is quite doubtful that Ignatieff would ever contemplate anything that could result in an election!


Cracks appear in opposition's approach to Afghan detainee issue
By Steven Chase
Globe and Mail
Parties divided on whether they should call on retired judge to resolve the problem of accessing uncensored documents

As the search continues for a parliamentary compromise on Afghan detainee records, the real question appears to be whether opposition parties can remain united.

There were glimmers of progress Thursday in high-stakes negotiations between the Harper government and the opposition majority over how to grant MPs access to uncensored versions of detainee documents without breaching national security.

Liberals, Conservatives and New Democrats emerged lauding what they called a willingness to work on a solution after this week's historic ruling by Speaker Peter Milliken reaffirmed Parliament as the supreme authority in the land with a virtually unfettered right to demand documents. Talks continue next week.

But opposition parties are divided on whether they should call on retired Supreme Court Justice Frank Iacobucci to resolve the problem. He's already been hired to advise the Conservative government privately on whether any of the information blacked out by censors can be made public.

A big problem, should MPs tackle the documents directly, is how all four parties bridge inevitable disagreements about whether particular portions of redacted records can be released.

Legal scholars say it would help legitimize the process if an independent party with no political stake in the outcome was brought in to help scrutinize records.

Liberal Leader Michael Ignatieff said this week he would consider relying on Mr. Iacobucci if the former judge's mandate could be changed to make him report to Parliament instead of the Tories. Some Liberals are leery of committing senior MPs to reading mountains of documents - a process that because of the need to swear an oath of secrecy would neuter their ability to speak publicly on the treatment of detainees after Canadian soldiers hand them over to Afghan officials.

Thursday, however, the NDP and Bloc Québécois flatly dismissed the notion of turning to Mr. Iacobucci.

Bloc Leader Gilles Duceppe said the former justice is effectively tainted because he consented to being part of a process the Harper government previously argued was superior to letting MPs scrutinize uncensored documents.

"He accepted to be hired by the government knowing perfectly that was a question here in the House saying that the members have the right to know," Mr. Duceppe said.

NDP defence critic Jack Harris said his party wants MPs to serve as the filter for what should be released or withheld.

"We want Parliamentary oversight, not a proxy."

Opposition parties, who comprise a majority in the Commons, passed a rare "order-to-produce" motion in Parliament for the documents last December, but the minority Conservatives responded by releasing heavily censored versions of records.

The Liberals, NDP and Bloc Québécois pressed the matter because they want more details on detainee handovers in the face of allegations that prisoners captured by Canadian soldiers were transferred to torture at Afghan hands - and because they want to ensure censors are not hiding records of misdeeds.

In a widely accepted verdict, Speaker Milliken ruled this week that the government does not have a unilateral right to censor documents and gave the Commons two weeks to work out a compromise that would allow MPs to see unredacted copies.

If a solution cannot be found, the government could be voted in contempt by the opposition majority - a situation that would be all but certain to trigger a snap election and undermine the reputation of Canada's Parliamentary system.

The NDP appears to favour a two-stage process where a select group of Parliamentarians screen the tens of thousands of pages of documents, deciding what censored passages can be released. Under this scenario any new freshly released information would be funneled to the Special Commons committee on Afghanistan.

Tuesday, March 16, 2010

Terms of Detainee review blasted by Liberals

I do not see why Rae trusts Iacobucci that is unless he is trusting him to carry out a review in secret and help the government avoid accountability. The government wants to avoid a disaster such as happened with the Maher inquiry where much too much about what goes on in government behind the scenes was revealed. You can also trust Iacobucci to charge a fat fee. The parliament surely has the right to see the documents period end of story. The judge is just part of a department of dirty tricks dodge to avoid accountability.

Detainee review terms blasted by Liberals

CBC News

Retired Supreme Court justice Frank Iacobucci will review whether documents pertaining to the transfer of Afghan detainees can be released to Parliament. (Adrian Wyld/Canadian Press)
Liberal MPs hammered the Tory government over the guidelines a former Supreme Court justice will follow in his review of documents related to the Afghan detainee affair.

During Monday's question period in the House of Commons, Transportation Minister John Baird defended the review's terms of reference, insisting that Frank Iacobucci will have access to all relevant documents.

But foreign affairs critic Bob Rae said while the Liberals trust Iacobucci, they do not trust the government.

"And that's the difference and there’s a big difference. Mr. Iacobucci does not have the power to subpoena the documents."

He also said "the test of relevance is a test that the government itself will apply. It's not Mr. Iacobucci who determines what relevance is."

Liberal defence critic Ujjal Dosanjh claimed that the government has hired Iacobucci as "yet another lawyer" who will only be allowed to see what the government wants him to see. He also suggested the government might not allow Iacobucci's report to be made public if the government claims solicitor-client privilege.

Dosanjh also complained that there is no end date for his work to be completed.

"If the government wanted answers it would give Mr. Iacobucci the mandate to conduct a full public inquiry. Or are there horrible secrets that this government is trying to hide?" Dosanjh asked.

But Justice Minister Rob Nicholson said the government is providing "all of the documents that are of interest" and will go back to 2001, when Canada began its involvement in Afghanistan.

"Mr. Justice Iacobucci will have a complete authorization to have a look at those and he’ll report those general findings back to the house."

On March 5, Nicholson announced that the government would enlist Iacobucci to review the documents relating to the Afghan detainee affair and whether some could be made public.

On the weekend, the government released Iacobucci's terms of reference, which included which making recommendations as to what information, if disclosed, would compromise national security; deciding whether disclosing information for the purpose of public interest outweighs the purpose of non-disclosure, and whether any information is subject to solicitor-client privilege.

Opposition parties have been trying to get the Conservative government to release the documents pertaining to the handling of Afghan detainees without heavily blacked-out redactions.

The opposition wants to see if government documents contain information about allegations that some Afghan prisoners handed over by Canadian soldiers were tortured by Afghan officials.

The Tories have said some of the documents have remained censored because of national security concerns.



Read more: http://www.cbc.ca/politics/story/2010/03/15/detainee-documents.html#ixzz0iIfxKrx8

Sunday, March 9, 2008

Iacobucci Report timeline extended to Sept. 2

This is from the Iacobucci Inquiry Website. I see that this was announced on January 28 but I did not see any press coverage. Originally the report was to in by the end of January this year, so Iacobucci has a six month plus extension. I assume he will now charge for extra time as well! It is hard to see how Almalki, Nureddin, or Elmaati will profit much from this inquiry but several high profile lawyers at Torys LLP should.


Deadline for Submission of Report of the Iacobucci Internal Inquiry Extended until September 2, 2008
Ottawa, January 28, 2008 – The Honourable Frank Iacobucci, the Commissioner conducting the Internal Inquiry into the Actions of Canadian Officials in Relation to Abdullah Almalki, Ahmad Abou-Elmaati and Muayyed Nureddin, announced today that the deadline for submitting his report has been extended until September 2, 2008.

The Inquiry’s Terms of Reference call for the Commissioner to submit both a confidential report and a separate report that is suitable for disclosure to the public simultaneously in both official languages to the Governor in Council. The Terms of Reference initially provided for the submission of this report on or before January 31, 2008.

In a recent ruling, the Commissioner stated: “While the Inquiry has proceeded as expeditiously as possible, and I intend that it will continue to do so, the further work that needs to be done and the necessity for consultations with participants lead me to the view that the reporting deadline of January 31, 2008 set out in the Terms of Reference is not practical. Accordingly, I will be seeking an extension of the date for submitting my report, including the report suitable for disclosure to the public, to a date that is both realistic and achievable, assuming that the reviews for national security confidentiality that must be conducted proceed in a timely manner.” The deadline for submission of the report has now been extended until September 2, 2008.

Earlier this month, the Commissioner held a public hearing to receive submissions concerning the standards that he should apply in determining whether there were deficiencies in the conduct of Canadian officials, as his mandate calls for him to do. In concluding the hearing, the Commissioner stated that he found the submissions helpful and instructive. The Commissioner has also recently conducted interviews of Messrs. Almalki, Abou-Elmaati and Nureddin to assist him in assessing their allegations that they were tortured in Syria and (in Mr. Abou-Elmaati’s case) in Egypt.

Established under Part I of the Inquiries Act by the Minister of Public Safety, the Commissioner's mandate is to determine whether the detention of these three individuals in Syria or Egypt resulted from actions of Canadian officials, particularly in relation to the sharing of information with foreign countries; those actions or the actions of Canadian consular officials were deficient in these cases and whether any mistreatment of these three individuals in Syria or Egypt resulted from deficiencies in the actions of Canadian officials.

Monday, November 26, 2007

Lawyers earn big bucks from residential schools settlement

There is no mention of Frank Iacobucci, chair of the Iacobucci Inquiry, who received 2.5 million as fees for his role in the cases. See this site. The lawyers certainly have done well but probably without them the settlement would have been much lower. The payout to the claimants seems to be slower than that to the lawyers!

Ottawa pays $45.6M to lawyers involved in residential school cases
Last Updated: Monday, November 26, 2007 | 9:35 AM CT
CBC News
More than $45 million has recently been paid to residential school lawyers — one of the largest legal bills in Canadian history.

According to federal officials, a government cheque for $45.6 million has been sent to a consortium of lawyers — most of them in Alberta and Ontario — who had been involved in the Indian residential schools class action.

Former students like Roy Sanderson aren't impressed that, in some cases, lawyers are getting paid first.

"That hurts me. Why did they get paid first, get the money first and we never got nothing yet — the survivors, a lot of us," said Sanderson, who went to a residential school in the 1950s.

Over the past two decades, more than 12,000 former students have filed legal claims against the federal government and the churches that ran the schools for much of the 20th century. Many of the claims alleged physical and sexual abuse and said that the schools caused them to lose their language and culture.

Under a $2-billion compensation plan approved earlier this year, every student who went to school is entitled to $10,000 plus an extra $3,000 for each year the student attended.



Sanderson said he didn't benefit much from his education at the school.

"I was stuck in Grade 4 for many, many years for no reason," he said. "They put you in the barns and we used to work. They didn't give you a proper education."

Sanderson is among more than 50,000 former students who have asked for settlement money and are still waiting.

Sanderson's lawyer is Regina-based Tony Merchant, who is not among the group that has been paid. Federal officials said Merchant's legal bill, which will be at least $25 million, is still under dispute.

Thursday, April 12, 2007

Top Ten Supreme Court Charter Cases

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Note that a case tied for tenth involved Frank Iacobucci. If I read it correctly it was decided it was not counter to the charter of right to limit access to survivor rights on the basis of age. My prediction is that as part of his rulings in the Iacobucci inquiry he will find that denial of access of an accused person to certain kinds of evidence (i.e. classified evidence) does not constitute unfairness or if it does it is trumped by national security considerations. He has already said that fairness is contextual according to the Supreme Court.

THE COURT is the online resource for debate & data about the Supreme Court of Canada.*"Unwritten Constitutional Principles Redux?" << Home >> ""
Top 10 Charter Cases: As Revealed at the Symposium on the 25th Anniversary of the Charter, A Tribute to Chief Justice Roy McMurtry
April 12th, 2007

by James Stribopoulos

Introduction

The Court has been given a sneak peek at the list of “top ten” decisions in the first 25 years of the Charter’s history that will be revealed at today’s symposium commemorating the Charter’s Silver Anniversary.

As readers of The Court will know, April 17, 2007 marks the 25th anniversary of the Charter; it is also the 10th anniversary of Osgoode Hall Law School’s Constitutional Cases Conference. To mark these occasions the co-chairs of Osgoode Hall’s annual conference - Dean Patrick Monahan, Professor Jamie Cameron, and Professor Bruce Ryder - decided to strike a panel of experts who would select the “top 10″Charter decisions so far. The object, Professor Cameron reports, was to gather some of Canada’s leading experts on the Charter and ask them to identify the cases which, in their judgment, have had the greatest impact on the Charter’s interpretation and evolution in its first 25 years.

The Panel

The panel, Chaired by Professor Jamie Cameron (who graciously agreed to share this list with The Court) consisted of ten experts, each of whom has a deep knowledge of the Supreme Court of Canada’s Charter jurisprudence. It included judges from the trial and appellate courts of Ontario and Saskatchewan; Charter experts at Osgoode Hall
and the law schools at the University of Toronto, University of Ottawa, and McGill University, and lawyers who had the unique opportunity to litigate cases in the early years of the Charter’s development.

According to Professor Cameron, identifying the decisions which truly stand out as the “top 10″ proved to be a formidable task for members of the panel. The panel consisted of the following experts:

1. Professor Jamie Cameron, Osgoode Hall Law School, York University

2. Mr. Peter Hogg, Q.C., Counsel, Blake Cassels & Graydon LLP

3. Ms Roslyn Levine, Q.C., Regional Director & Senior General Counsel, Department of Justice

4. Dean Patrick Monahan, Osgoode Hall Law School, York University

5. Professor David Paciocco, Faculty of Law, University of Ottawa

6. Mr. Justice Robert G. Richards, Saskatchewan Court of Appeal

7. Mr. Justice Marc Rosenberg, Ontario Court of Appeal

8. Professor Colleen Sheppard,Faculty of Law, McGill University

9. Professor Lorne Sossin, Associate Dean, Faculty of Law, University of Toronto

10. Madam Justice Katherine Swinton, Ontario Superior Court of Justice

The process

The list generated, reproduced below with an accompanying explanation of each case written by Professor Cameron, is the result of the rankings of the various panelists. The votes show that panelists were in substantial agreement about several of the cases which appear on the list. At the same time, Professor Cameron reports that differences of opinion also emerged in the process of selecting the top 10. For that reason, the committee decided to also release a list of “honourable mentions” (which is reproduced at the end of this post).

The Top 10 Charter Cases…

10. (tied) R. v. Askov, [1990] 2 S.C.R. 1199; (October 18, 1990)

15 votes

The Supreme Court held (9-0) that a delay of almost two years in bringing charges to trial violated the accused’s right, under s.11(b) of the Charter, to be tried within a reasonable time. The charges against the accused were stayed as a result.

In terms of raw impact, R. v. Askov was one of the Supreme Court’s most dramatic decisions in the first 25 years. Thousands of criminal charges were stayed following the Court’s conclusion that institutional delay could not excuse a violation of s.11(b)’s guarantee of trial within a reasonable time. Had Askov’s guidelines been more strictly enforced in the subsequent case law, the decision might have had a higher ranking in the top 10 list. Still, Askov’s impact on the criminal justice system cannot be easily forgotten. And, as burdens on the system remain a challenge, Askov serves as a reminder that the institutions of the criminal justice system must comply with s.11(b) and its guarantee of trial within a reasonable time.

10. (tied) R. v. Collins, [1987] 1 S.C.R. 265; (April 9, 1987)

15 votes

The Supreme Court of Canada held (5-1) that evidence obtained by a search that is unreasonable and in violation of s.8 of the Charter should be excluded under s.24(2) if its admission would bring the administration of justice into disrepute.

The decision to develop the fair trial dichotomy for the exclusion of unconstitutionally obtained evidence (in which “self-incriminatory” and later “conscriptive” proof would have to be excluded to preserve the fairness of the trial) has caused the rejection of critical evidence in thousands of cases, and has bedeviled the impaired driving area in particular. This coupled with the acceptance that an illegal search is necessarily an unconstitutional search (even though an illegal detention is not necessarily an unconstitutional detention) has had a significant effect on the prosecution of cases. Had a more miserly exclusionary standard been adopted, it is likely that criminal litigation would not be the Charter based body of law it now is, as exclusion provided the incentive for litigating Charter rights.

10. (tied) Law v. Canada (Min. of Employment and Immigration), [1999] 1 S.C.R. 497; (March 25, 1999)

16 votes

The Supreme Court of Canada held (9-0) that a Canada Pension Plan provision which limited access to survivor’s benefits on grounds of age did not constitute discrimination and did not violate s.15(1) of the Charter.

Prior to its decision in Law v. Canada, the Court had been unable to agree on a definition of discrimination. As a result, the s. 15 jurisprudence remained unsettled in the decisions leading up to Law. There, all members of the Court joined Mr. Justice Iacobucci’s path breaking opinion, which endorsed a substantive approach to equality - informed by a purposive and contextual analysis, and established respect for human dignity as the guiding principle of s.15.

Ten years after Andrews v. Law Society of British Columbia, Law v. Canada created a doctrinal framework to govern claims arising under s.15. The Law test established criteria to advance the guarantee’s purposes and prohibit forms of discrimination that violate human dignity. In doing so, Law also ensured that the legislatures would not be prevented from drawing the kinds of distinctions between individuals and groups that are an unavoidable feature of democratic governance.

By adding layers of complexity to the equality analysis, Law has raised the question whether it has become too difficult, today, for claims to succeed under s.15.

9. Ford v. Quebec (Attorney General), [1988] 2 S.C.R. 265; (December 15, 1988)

22 votes

The Supreme Court of Canada held (5-0) that Quebec legislation which prohibited the use of English in outdoor advertising violated s.2(b) of the Charter and could not be saved under s.1. The Court also held that it was permissible for the province to invoke a “standard form” override clause, but that it was impermissible for Quebec to give s.33 retroactive effect to April 17, 1982.

Against the backdrop of Quebec’s opposition to the constitutional reforms of 1982, and the central importance of the Charter’s language rights, Ford v. Quebec was an important test of the Supreme Court’s resolve. In addressing the s.33 issue, the Court concluded that once certain requirements of form are satisfied, the decision to invoke the override belongs exclusively to the legislatures and is beyond judicial review.

On the question of language, the Supreme Court held that a prohibition on the use of English in outdoor advertising violated s.2(b)’s guarantee of expressive freedom and could not satisfy the requirement of minimal impairment under s.1. That conclusion prompted then Premier Robert Bourassa to enact legislation in response to the Supreme Court’s decision and to rely on s.33 in doing so.

Many are of the view that Quebec’s decision to use the override in the context of English language rights had serious consequences for the Meech Lake Accord, which failed in 1990. Many are also of the opinion that the inflammatory circumstances of the override’s use in this instance placed a deep chill on s.33. At present, the override remains politically unavailable to legislatures who might otherwise take issue with Supreme Court decision making.

8. Vriend v. Alberta, [1998] 1 S.C.R. 493; (April 2, 1998)

24 votes

The Supreme Court of Canada held (8-0) that provincial human rights legislation which excluded sexual orientation from its list of prohibited grounds of discrimination violated s.15(1)’s equality guarantee. To remedy the infringement, the Supreme Court further held (7-1) that sexual orientation should be “read in”, or added, to the legislation?s list of prohibited forms of discrimination.

Like R. v. Askov and Ford v. Quebec, Vriend v. Alberta made headline news across Canada. Though the Court had considered sexual orientation in earlier decisions, Vriend confirmed that s.15 of the Charter prohibited discrimination against the gay and lesbian communities. In this, Vriend provided an important foundation for the Supreme Court’s subsequent decisions in M v. H and The Same-Sex Reference. Whether and when legislation recognizing gay marriage would have been enacted in Canada, absent these decisions, is open to question.

The Court’s decision to read sexual orientation into Alberta’s human rights legislation represents a highwater mark for remedies under the Charter. Though the legislature had made an explicit decision to exclude this ground from its human rights statute, Vriend re-drafted the legislation to include sexual orientation in the list of prohibited grounds of discrimination. In doing so, the Court’s decision moved then Premier Ralph Klein to the brink of a decision to invoke s.33.

Vriend was also the first Supreme Court case to discuss and endorse the concept of a dialogue between the courts and legislatures. Those who favour a theory of review based n dialogue view Vriend as a bold decision on institutional relations. Others are critical of the remedy - and view it as an appropriation of legislative function by the Court - consider Vriend to be more like a ‘monologue’ than a dialogue between the courts and legislatures. Yet another view is that Vriend laid the foundation for a concept of dialogue that has arguably weakened the impact of the constitutional message.

7. R. v. Sparrow, [1990] 1 S.C.R. 1075; (May 31, 1990)

26 votes

The Supreme Court held (6-0) that a charge under the Fisheries Act, against an aboriginal who claimed that his right to fish was protected by the Constitution, is governed by s.35(1) of the Constitution Act, 1982.

Though section 35(1) of the Constitution Act, 1982 is not part of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, the development of a significant case law under this provision has been an integral part of the Supreme Court of Canada’s rights jurisprudence in the 25 years since 1982. The decision in R. v. Sparrow was a landmark which created a doctrinal framework for the protection of aboriginal rights under s.35(1).

First and foremost, the Court’s opinion in Sparrow articulated a dynamic, progressive and expansive approach to aboriginal rights. In doing so, the Court rejected a frozen rights analysis and defined the extinguishment of aboriginal rights narrowly.

In addition, the Court created a standard of justification that is specific to s.35(1) and parallels the s.1 analysis in Charter cases. In this, Sparrow established a standard for aboriginal rights and forged a link between s.35(1)’s rights and the rights that are protected by the Charter. By setting the s.35 jurisprudence in motion, Sparrow has had a profound effect on relations between aboriginal peoples and the Crown.

6. R. v. Stinchcombe, [1991] 3 S.C.R. 326; (November 7, 1991)

35 votes

The Supreme Court of Canada held (7-0) that the accused has a right of full answer and defence under s.7 of the Charter, and that the duty to disclose applies to all relevant information in the Crown’s possession and extends to all offences.

The decision to impose a duty of Crown disclosure, although purporting to have been based primarily on common law principles, was made possible by the Charter. Even so, there is widespread agreement that Stinchcombe has changed the practice of criminal law more dramatically than any other decision. On the downside, Crown disclosure has added millions of dollars to the cost of prosecuting cases and caused a dramatic increase in the length of trials and in delays in getting cases tried. In that regard, Stinchcombe may have contributed to a perception that the Charter has imposed unacceptable burdens on the criminal justice system. On the positive side, Stinchombe enables the accused to prepare for the defence of cases and has invariably reduced the risks of wrongful conviction.

Crown disclosure, as an aspect of full answer and defence under s.7, brought the rights of the accused into conflict with the rights of victims, particularly the victims of sexual offences. That tension was reflected in key decisions of the 1990s which had a high profile, including R. v. Seaboyer, R. v. O’Connor, and R v. Mills.

5. Andrews v. Law Society of British Columbia, [1989] 1 S.C.R. 143 (February 2, 1989)

43 votes

The Supreme Court of Canada held (4-2) that legislation which made citizenship a requirement to practice law in British Columbia violated s.15(1) of the Charter and was not saved by s.1.

Section 15 of the Charter was deferred until1985, and the Supreme Court’s first pronouncement on the equality guarantee, in Andrews v. Law Society of Upper Canada, was met with great anticipation. Several conceptions of equality had been proposed, and it was up to the Court to choose a direction for s.15. That is the context of Mr. Justice McIntyre’s opinion in Andrews, which made fundamental choices about the scope of s.15 and the relationship between the right and its limits under s.1.

The Supreme Court definitively rejected a formal definition of equality based on same treatment in favour of a conception which would focus on remedies for discrimination. In doing so, the Court endorsed an effects-based approach which confirmed s.15?s concern with redressing histories of group-based disadvantage and exclusion. It is notable that the Court limited the scope of s.15 to the grounds enumerated by the guarantee, and to analogous grounds, such as citizenship status.

Even though ten years passed before the Court agreed on a definition of discrimination in Law v. Canada, Andrews chose a model which opened the door to a series of significant decisions under s.15 As one panelist remarked, all that is right and wrong about the s.15 jurisprudence begins with Andrews.

4. R. v. Morgentaler, [1988] 1 S.C.R. 30; (January 28, 1988)

48 votes

The Supreme Court of Canada held (5-2) that Criminal Code provisions which criminalized abortion, except in cases of “therapeutic” abortion, violated s.7 of the Charter and were unconstitutional.

R v. Morgentaler represents a significant Supreme Court foray into a highly controversial moral, ethical and political debate about women’s reproductive rights and abortion. It’s earlier Morgentaler decision, which predated the Charter (1975), failed to support the women’s movement and its goal of legalizing access to abortion. For many, the Court’s second decision in R. v. Morgentaler would become a symbol of the Charter’s hopes and aspirations. Though earlier decisions attracted widespread public attention, the Court’s decision to invalidate the Code’s framework for therapeutic abortions was a blockbuster.

Rather than address the constitutional status of the right to seek an abortion, the majority reasons focused on the procedural flaws of the legislation. That allowed the Court to invalidate the provisions and at leave room for Parliament to re-enact measures which cured the flaws and retained certain limits on abortion. By virtue of Parliament’s inability to enact successor legislation, abortion has effectively been legalized in Canada.

Morgentaler has had a huge impact on the lives of women and has also exerted a strong influence on the s.7 jurisprudence. To avoid commenting on autonomy and the right to seek an abortion as an aspect of liberty”, the majority reasons turned their attention to “security of the person”. In addition, the majority reasons relied on a concept of “manifest unfairness” to support the conclusion that Parliament’s scheme violated s.7’s principles of fundamental justice. Finally, Madam Justice Wilson’s interpreted “liberty of the person” as a guarantee of “personal autonomy over important decisions intimately affecting … private life”. That definition of liberty has now been adopted by the Court.

3. Hunter v. Southam Inc., [1984] 2 S.C.R. 145; (September 17, 1984)

50 votes

The Supreme Court of Canada held (8-0) that prior authorization is a precondition for a search and seizure to be valid under s.8 of the Charter, and that warrantless searches are prima facie unreasonable under s.8. The Court also held that a s.8 search must be authorized by a person who is neutral and impartial, and capable of acting judicially.

Hunter v. Southam was one of the Court?s first Charter decisions. It was unclear, at the time, how the Court would respond to the Charter, and whether it would adopt a different approach to entrenched rights than to the statutory Canadian Bill of Rights. By adopting a purposive approach to Charter interpretation, Hunter v. Southam gave life to the legal rights provisions and sent the message that the Court intended to take its Charter mandate seriously.

The decision was important in its own sphere, giving rise to a warrant requirement that was nowhere articulated in the previous authority, and setting the stage for an aggressive body of law protecting section 8. The rule of law had a large presence in the late Chief Justice Dickson’s jurisprudence, and it is significant that he took the lead in this decision, making an important and early pronouncement that intrusions on an individual’s privacy must satisfy rule of law requirements. After finding a breach of s.8, the Court provide a judicial remedy, stating, instead, that it was Parliament’s responsibility to bring its legislation into compliance with the Charter.

2. Reference Re B.C. Motor Vehicle Act, [1985] 2 S.C.R. 486; (December 17, 1985)

68 votes

The Supreme Court of Canada invalidated s.94(2) of the Motor Vehicle Act (7-0). The provision made it an absolute liability offence, punishable by imprisonment, to drive while prohibited or suspended from driving. The Court held that s.94(2) interfered with s.7’s guarantee of liberty of the person in a way that violated the principles of fundamental justice.

Section 7 is the Charter’s most abstract and potentially far-reaching guarantee. That is why those who drafted and negotiated this provision clearly intended that its scope be purely procedural in nature. Then Justice Lamer wrote for a majority in the Motor Vehicle Reference which forged fearlessly ahead to give s.7 a substantive interpretation, against the design of the drafters and the lessons from the United States. The Motor Vehicle Reference has been seen as a major declaration of principle relating to Charter interpretation and the role of the courts, which set the Court’s policy against originalism and approved an expansive approach to Charter.

This decision provided the conceptual framework for the evolution of a significant jurisprudence under s.7. In practical terms, the Motor Vehicle Reference enabled the Court to invalidate the Criminal Code’s provisions for therapeutic abortion and constructive murder; it provided a foundation for the constitutionalization of defences, including intoxication, duress and abuse of process; it generated the void for vagueness and overbreadth doctrines; and has led to the articulation of a variety of principles of fundamental justice. Most recently, the Court found in Chaoulli v. Quebec that provincial legislation which prohibited private health care insurance was an unjustifiable violation of s.7.

Precisely because the boundaries of substantive review are so difficult to define, the s.7 jurisprudence which had its genesis in the Motor Vehicle Reference has provoked some of the most significant debates about judicial review to date.

1. R. v. Oakes, [1986] 1 S.C.R. 103; (February 28, 1986)

88 votes

The Supreme Court of Canada held (7-0) that a reverse onus clause in the Narcotic Control Act, which required an accused to rebut a presumption of possession for purposes of trafficking, violated s.11(d)’s presumption of innocence and was not justifiable as a reasonable limit under s.1 of the Charter.

Without question, Oakes has been the most frequently cited and most dominant decision in the first 25 years of Charter history. Though the Court would have developed a standard under s.1 to test the reasonableness of the legislature’s objective and the means adopted in any event, Oakes is a much more than a test of reasonable limits. It is iconic and a symbol of the Charter’s goal of maintaining balance between the rights of individuals and the demands of democratic society, and equilibrium between the institutional roles of the legislatures and the courts.

At the time it was decided, Oakes decision moved the section 1 discussion away from the unrealistic comparative law exercise attempted in earlier cases to a structured analysis which focuses the inquiry on each of the key elements of necessity that should be respected before abridging rights in a constitutional democracy. While it is applied contextually and with varying intensity, the Oakes test created the defining methodology of Charter analysis.

By setting a strict standard of justification under s.1, Oakes had a strong influence on the Court?s conception of rights; to avoid a s.1 analysis, the Court has, in some instances, placed definitional limits on the scope of the Charter guarantees. By providing a blueprint on the question of “reasonable limits”, Oakes has also had a powerful influence on governments, particularly in the area of legislative drafting.

Honourable Mentions

11. Singh v. Minister of Employment and Immigration, [1985] 1 S.C.R. 177; (April 4, 1985)

12. R. v. Keegstra, [1990] 3 S.C.R. 697; (December 13, 1990)

13. Schachter v. Canada, [1992] 2 S.C.R. 679; (July 9, 1992)

14. Chaoulli v. Quebec, [2005] 1 S.C.R. 914; (June 10, 2005)

15. Reference Re Provincial Electoral Boundaries, [1991] 2 S.C.R. 158; (June 6, 1991)

16. Irwin Toy Ltd. v. Quebec (Attorney General), [1989] 1 S.C.R. 927; (April 27, 1989)

17. Reference Re Remuneration of Judges, [1997] 3 S.C.R. 3; September 18, 1997)

18. Operation Dismantle v. The Queen, [1985] 1 S.C.R. 441; (May 9, 1985)

19. Reference Re Public Service Employee Relations Act (Alta.), [1987] 1 S.C.R. 313; (April 9, 1987)

20. United States v. Burns, [2001] 1 S.C.R. 283; (February 15, 2001)

[filed: (Dicta) Note]

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Sunday, April 1, 2007

Romanow runs for board of Torstar.

Well, well, former Sask. Premier and right wing NDP lawyer Romanow makes good in the East. Imagine he comes recommended by Frank Iacobucci chairman of the board of Torstar and bigwig in Torys LLP and chair of the Iacobucci inquiry. Actually the Toronto Star is certainly one of the better Canadian Papers in my opinion.


Torstar Announces Roy Romanow is Standing for Election to Board of Directors and Martin Connell and Christina Gold are Retiring
TORONTO, ONTARIO -- (MARKET WIRE) -- March 30, 2007 -- Torstar Corporation (TSX: TS.B) today announced that Hon. Roy Romanow is standing for election to the Board of Directors at Torstar's Annual Meeting to be held on May 2, 2007. Mr. Romanow served as the Premier of Saskatchewan from 1991 until early 2001. He is a Senior Fellow in Public Policy in the Department of Political Studies at the University of Saskatchewan. He is also a corporate director and a Member of the Security Intelligence Review Committee (SIRC) an agency that provides Parliament and the Canadian public with an external review of the Canadian Security Intelligence Service. Hon. Frank Iacobucci, Chairman of Torstar Corporation, said "Roy Romanow is a Canadian of great distinction who has contributed richly to building a strong and progressive Canada. His experience, wisdom and judgment will be welcome additions to our deliberations."

Torstar also announced the retirement of Martin Connell and Christina Gold from the Board of Directors to take effect following Torstar's Annual Meeting on May 2, 2007.

Martin Connell has served on the Board of Directors for seventeen years. "Martin's own record of business leadership, progressive values and community involvement is a model for the values we prize. As Martin retires, we wish to express our gratitude for his long service and many contributions," said Hon. Frank Iacobucci.

Christina Gold has served on the Board of Directors for nine years. She is the Chief Executive Officer of Western Union and with the recent public listing of the company on the NYSE and her world-wide travel obligations, her schedule has made it too difficult for her to maintain her directorship with Torstar. Hon. Frank Iacobucci said "We will miss her valued contributions and continue to take pride in her as a Canadian woman providing leadership to an important global company."

ABOUT TORSTAR CORPORATION

Torstar Corporation is a broadly based media company listed on the Toronto Stock Exchange (TS.B). Its businesses include the Star Media Group led by the Toronto Star, Canada's largest daily newspaper, and digital properties including thestar.com, toronto.com, LiveDeal.ca, Workopolis and Olive Canada Network; Metroland Media Group, publishers of community and daily newspapers in Ontario; and Harlequin Enterprises, a leading global publisher of women's fiction.

Torstar's news releases are available on the Internet at www.torstar.com.

Saturday, March 24, 2007

Iacobucci Inquiry: The Right to View Evidence

Full story is here.
Fairness is contextual. This means I presume that in the context of his inquiry fairness might not involve access to the evidence against the three! Way to go Frank!
If the lawyers cannot be at these hearings it makes sense for them to simply walk out. Perhaps there is some compromise possible in that some of the evidence might be available. The Tory LLP people in negotiation with the govt. could perhaps work out something. Otherwise the whole process has zilch credibility.


The terms do allow Iacobucci to conduct some public hearings if he considers them "essential" to his work, and he signalled Monday that he will take advantage of the opportunity.

"I intend to take that provision most seriously," he declared.

But commission counsel John Laskin said it's premature to speculate on exactly how much of the evidence will be available to the media and the general public. He also dodged the question of whether the three complainants and their lawyers will have access to closed-door sessions.

The issue is reminiscent of the debate over federal security certificates, the legal vehicles used by Ottawa to deport non-citizens suspected of terrorist activity.

In a landmark ruling last month, the Supreme Court struck down the system because it relied on judges hearing key evidence in private, with neither the defendants nor their lawyers present.

Laskin suggested, however, that the procedural rules deemed essential for a court case may not apply at a commission of inquiry.

"The Supreme Court has said many, many, many times fairness is contextual," he told reporters. "And the context here is a different context."

The matter won't be resolved until another hearing is held in mid-April.

Jasminka Kalajdzic, one of the lawyers for Almalki, said security-cleared counsel for the complainants must have access to closed-door proceedings.

Almalki seconded that opinion during a break in the hearing Monday, saying he needs to know the evidence against him to clear his name.

He added that he's looking to the inquiry to finally get to the truth of what happened to him - and to hold those responsible accountable.

"I don't think we can afford (to have) people in our government who are complicit in torture stay in their positions."

Nureddin, who attended the hearing, declined to speak about his case.

El Maati was absent because he's just undergone back surgery - the latest of seven operations to repair injuries suffered at the hands of his foreign jailers.

El Maati, a Toronto truck driver, was arrested in Syria on a visit in 2001, then transferred to Egypt in early 2002 for further interrogation.

Almalki, an Ottawa electronics engineer, was detained in Syria in 2002 and held for 22 months, while Nureddin, a Toronto geologist, was held for 34 days in Syria.

Their stories bear striking similarities to that of Maher Arar, who was arrested by U.S. authorities in 2002 and deported to face torture in Syria. Arar's name was cleared by another inquiry that concluded he was the victim of misinformation supplied by the RCMP.

Sunday, March 11, 2007

Iacobucci: How much? 2.5 million for residential school deal

This no doubt shows that Iacobucci has experience with rights issues but 2.5 million seems a bit excessive. Perhaps retired Supreme Court justices have puny pensions!


Lawyer who got residential schools deal was paid $2.5 million
Last Updated: Monday, December 11, 2006 | 5:33 PM CT
CBC News
The lawyer who negotiated a settlement for aboriginal residential school students was paid more than $2.5 million for the work, according to documents obtained by CBC News.

Frank Iacobucci, a retired Supreme Court justice, was appointed in June 2005 to negotiate with the government, the Assembly of First Nations and the various churches involved to reach possible settlement packages.

Retired Supreme Court justice Frank Iacobucci negotiated a settlement between the government and former students at Indian residential schools.
(Jonathan Hayward/Canadian Press) According to documents obtained through access to information requests, Iacobucci was paid up to $200,000 per month, plus expenses, for his work. The money was for his expertise and the assistance of two junior lawyers in his office.

The rate is more than the "standard" range Ottawa pays, according to the documents. A lawyer with more than 20 years experience is normally paid between $150 and $200 an hour.

Calls to Iacobucci's Toronto law firm were not returned.

'Significant amounts'
Regina lawyer Tony Merchant, who represents many former students, called the amount surprising.

Continue Article

"But certainly nobody knew about this — or nobody within the First Nations community knew about this. These are just significant amounts."

Merchant's law firm has been promised between $25 million and $40 million under the terms of the settlement for its work. Merchant said his firm spent 10 years on cases and had more than 100 lawyers working on them.

Deal reached in May
An estimated 100,000 aboriginal children lived in the once-mandatory system of residential schools from 1930 to 1996. Many were forced to leave their families and attend the schools, and many suffered physical and sexual abuse while there.

For more than a decade, former students of Indian residential schools were pursuing lawsuits against Ottawa and churches for damages relating to their experiences. However, litigation was slow and only a few cases were settled.

The former federal Liberal government appointed Iacobucci in 2005 to help reach a compensation package. Part of his job was also to study the creation of a national truth-and-reconciliation forum to give survivors a chance to tell their stories.

A deal announced in May offers any former student a lump sum of $10,000 each, plus $3,000 for each year spent in the schools. Statistics Canada estimates there are 80,000 people alive today who attended

On Frank Iacobucci

This the official blurb from the inquiry website. In another post I provide a CBC news report on his work on the Indian Residential Schools issue.

The Commissioner
The Honourable Frank Iacobucci
The Honourable Frank Iacobucci, Q.C., LL.D. has had a distinguished career in private practice, academia, government and the judiciary. He began his career in 1964 as a lawyer at a large New York City law firm where he practiced corporate and securities law. In 1967, he joined the Faculty of Law, University of Toronto, and was a professor of law there until 1985. He also served as Vice-President, Internal Affairs at the University of Toronto from 1975 to 1979 and Dean of the Faculty of Law from 1979 to 1983. From 1983 to 1985, he was Vice-President and Provost of the University. In 1985, Frank was appointed Deputy Minister of Justice and Deputy Attorney General for Canada; in 1988, Chief Justice of the Federal Court of Canada; and in 1991, a Justice of the Supreme Court of Canada.

During his career, Mr. Iacobucci was also a Commissioner of the Ontario Securities Commission from 1982 to 1985, and Counsel to the Estey Commission in 1974.

He joined Torys LLP as Counsel in September 2004 after retiring as a Justice of the Supreme Court of Canada. From September 2004 to July 2005, he also served as Interim President of the University of Toronto. Mr. Iacobucci has assumed a full-time senior advisory role at Torys where his work includes guidance, advice and support to clients of Torys and members of the firm.

Mr. Iacobucci has received numerous awards, honours and other recognitions in Canada, the United States, England and Italy.